913 resultados para Territorial discourse
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The fusion of knowledge, the interrelationship of disciplines and, finally, the interaction of learning fields, provides new challenges for an auto denominated global society. The contemporary value of landscape, linked to the patent commodification of culture, the commercial construction of identities, the triumph of inauthenticity, of the induced representation or the economy of symbolism, open up great prospects for studying the symbolic value of landscape. The rapprochement of geographical praxis to the study of space intangibles, linked to the discovery of emotional geographies, besides the growing interest of communicational sciences on the territorial discourse, allow us to envisage a communicative study of landscape based on a fusion of geographical and communicational knowledge. The balancing of the variables: geography, landscape, emotion and communication, enables the progress towards analysing the emotionalisation of space to discern its intangible value, which emerges from the application of different communication techniques.
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Jouée par María Elena Velasco depuis la fin des années 1960, la India María met en scène une indienne « authentique » qui, malgré son statut et ses limitations sociales, dénonce le traitement des institutions auxquelles elle est soumise : les systèmes politique, judiciaire, économique et religieux. Néanmoins, lors des premières projections des films sur le grand écran, la critique portait essentiellement sur les aspects superficiels et a réprouvé la façon dont les indiens et le Mexique étaient représentés, car jugée réactionnaire. Au début des années 1990, des chercheurs ont commencé à étudier ses films en proposant une lecture « négociée » : ils s’intéressent à l’effet humoristique produit sur le public par sa performance et ses aventures, en même temps qu’ils reconnaissent l’ambigüité du personnage et des narrations, tout en soulignant les discours ethnique et de classe. À travers l’analyse de Tonta, tonta pero no tanto (Bête, bête, mais pas trop) de Fernando Cortés (1972), Ni de aquí ni de allá (Ni d’ici ni de là-bas) de María Elena Velasco (1988), et Sor Tequila (Sœur Tequila) de Rogelio González (1977), mon mémoire contribue à cette lecture en étudiant trois sujets : le stéréotype cristallisé dans ce personnage, afin de démontrer comment celui-ci permet une critique de la société mexicaine ; les nouveaux enjeux culturels auxquels le système néolibéral affronte les autochtones ; et la transformation du masculin et du public à travers une construction alternative du féminin.
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Artigo escrito no âmbito da realização de tese de doutoramento em História da Arte financiado por bolsa FCT (SFRH/BD/63763/2009)
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The fall of 2013 could be characterized as a crossroad in the geopolitics of Eastern Europe, namely Ukraine. Two rivalry geopolitical projects have been developing throughout the post-Cold War years, and it seems that they reached a collision point in Ukraine; a country whose authorities have been for long switching sides between the European Union and the Russian Federation in their foreign policy commitments. The refusal/postponing to sign the Association Agreement with Brussels, an expected event by a large category of the Ukrainian society, by Yanukovich’s government led to the outset of the latter; and brought a pro-Western, anti-Russian government in Kyiv. It seems that Ukraine, after those events, has embarked definitively on the path of integration into the West (European Union and possibly NATO). The Russian Federation, who has been throughout Putin’s years engaged into the re-integration of post-Soviet space, reacted to these developments in an assertive manner by violating borders, agreements and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Thus, the incorporation of the Crimea into the Russian Federation is the first in its kind in the post-Soviet space, despite the existence of various other conflicts that broke out in the region after the Soviet Union broke up. I will investigate in this thesis the nature of what will be labelled, in this work, the Crimean issue. I argue that the incorporation of the Crimean peninsula into the Russian Federation marks a new era in Russian geopolitical thinking that shapes, to a far extent, Russian foreign policy. Discourse analysis will be the methodological basis for this study, with a special focus on Michel Foucault’s Archaeology of Knowledge. The innovation that this research brings is the fact that it discusses Russian geopolitical discourse within the scope of Foucault’s ‘discursive tree’, with a reference to the Crimean issue. A wide range of primary sources will be consulted in this study such as presidential addresses to the Federal Assembly (2000-2014), Foreign Policy Concepts of the Russian Federation (2000, 2008), Russian maritime doctrines, as wells as Dugin’s Osnovy Geopolitiki (Foundations of Geopolitics), Mahan’s (The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660–1783) and other Eurasianism related literature.
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Inscrite dans la tradition monographique en sociologie et en anthropologie, cette thèse prend pour objet la diversité des pratiques et des idéologies caractéristiques des différents types de populations rurales distingués en fonction de l'enracinement territorial, afin d'apporter un nouvel éclairage sur les conflits sociaux actuels dans tous les milieux ruraux québécois qui surgissent notamment de l'accroissement du nombre des néo-ruraux dont les visions du monde s'opposent à celles des agriculteurs, dont le nombre diminue sans cesse. Prenant un village comme observatoire, il s'agit de rendre compte du mouvement totalisant de l'expérience de la vie en société à la fois dans ses dimensions « matérielles » et « symboliques ». L'étude des principales formes de vie sociale (religieuse, économique et politique) se fait grâce à des méthodes diversifiées: l'observation participante, l'analyse statistique, l'analyse du discours, le travail sur les archives municipales et l'histoire orale. L'analyse des différentes formes de vie sociale montre que leur organisation est structurée par deux principaux modèles. Le modèle public et communautaire comprend les personnes qui valorisent l'implication de l'État et des professionnels dans la gestion collective de la redistribution des richesses et dans le développement des milieux ruraux. Ces personnes occupent une position économique « marginale » à l'intérieur de la localité et sont plus près des milieux urbains tant par leurs positions que par leurs visions du monde. Quant au modèle privé et familial, il comprend les personnes défendant le rôle prépondérant des réseaux familiaux dans le développement local et la fermeture de la localité face à la concurrence des marchés extérieurs et aux interventions politiques exogènes. Les représentants de ce modèle occupent une position économique locale dominante, mais se sentent de plus en plus dominés politiquement face aux interventions extérieures des représentants politiques régionaux et des professionnels ainsi qu'économiquement à l'échelle mondiale où ils occupent une position dominée. Les oppositions sous-jacentes à ces deux modèles s'inscrivent dans une histoire ancienne qui met en scène d'une part les élites traditionnelles liées à l'Église et les notables francophones scolarisées et d'autre part les élites industrielles et commerciales qui succèdent aux anglophones dès les années 1920. Le sens et le contenu des modèles varient légèrement avec les transformations récentes de la structure familiale et la régionalisation des pouvoirs politiques et religieux.
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Dans cette thèse nous démontrons que la paysannerie colombienne s'est constituée telle quelle, à partir de: 1) la construction et de la mise en œuvre des pratiques économiques et agro-productives compatibles avec l'environnement; 2) des habitus et des coutumes qu’elle a inventé et a récré à partir de l'interaction quotidienne avec sa famille et sa communauté et 3) de la lutte politique qu'elle a entrepris tant pour exiger à l'État sa reconnaissance sociale, territoriale et juridique, comme pour arrêter l'avance territoriale des entrepreneurs agraires. Par conséquent, la paysannerie ne peut pas être conçue comme une catégorie conceptuelle construite, a priori , définie dehors de l’histoire, comme un groupe social homogène, et avec caractéristiques égales à niveau global. La paysannerie colombienne, dans sa lutte politique pour la défense du territoire, a affronté à un entrepreneur agraire qui, orienté par une logique unidirectionnelle, élitiste et exclusive de « progrès » et du « développement », a nié à la paysannerie ses droits territoriaux, économiques, sociaux et culturels. De plus, en faisant un usage patrimonial de l’État, il l`a poursuivi, stigmatisé et expulsé de la communauté politique. La paysannerie a affronté un État et un entrepreneur agraire que, depuis l'État d’Exception et de la déclaration de la paysannerie comme “obstacle du développement” et “ennemi de la nation”, ils ont revendiqué le droit, inhérent des souverainetés classiques, de définir qui peut vivre et qui doit mourir. La dynamique historique et successive d'expropriation territoriale de la paysannerie et la mise en œuvre de ce qui est dénommé, dans cette thèse, nécro-politique agraire, ont été cachées dans le concept de “colonisation spontanée” et dans un discours qui présente au paysan comme « héros», «entrepreneur» et «constructeur de patrie», quand il a été obligé par raisons d'ordre économique, juridique et militaire, à entreprendre de nouveaux processus de colonisation forcée. La réponse de la paysannerie à cette dynamique a inclus des résistances de caractère intrasystémique et contre-systémique. Elle n'a jamais décliné à sa lutte par le droit à la terre – qui fait partie de son territoire et considère comme inaliénable - et à son droit d'avoir des droits. En étudiant le cas de la paysannerie de l'Amazonie colombienne, dans cette recherche, nous démontrons que la paysannerie a eu une grande capacité d'affronter les adversités économiques et politiques, et de s’inventer et de se refaire eux-mêmes dans nouveaux espaces. La paysannerie est un sujet social qui a refusé de façon entêtée et permanente, avec ses attitudes et ses actions, à obéir et à être domestiquée par les paramètres de la modernité. Elle s'est refusée à modifier ses dispositions internes et ses manières de voir le monde, son habitus et s’est reconstituée chaque jour dans une modernité qui menace sa subjectivité et son autonomie. La paysannerie formule des projets agro-écologiques, socioéconomiques et d'insertion politique dans un modèle du développement agraire qui insiste de le nier comme sujet avec des droits.
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The paper focuses on an emergent Tepic: the new role of territorios in the worldwide competente pushed by globalization. Each and everyone territory seeks the same result: attract capital, innovations, turism and, at the same time, sell its goods and services worldwide. As an old African proverb states: “in the African plain no matter what you are, lion or antelope, you better start running from the eve to avoid dying, either from starving or in the gullet of a depredator”. In Latin America the importance granted to territorial marketing is scarce bur growing. It is necessary to apply to territories the prescriptions that Aristóteles wrote on rethorics, the art of delivering a discourse. These rules are based on ethos (the essential characteristics of who speaks), on pathos (the emocional appeal contained in the speech) and on logos (the reason or rationality). Text is structured in four sections: a) Introduction, a description of the problem to be discussed including a revision of the concept of globalization making clear its systemic nature and its most likely result: a unique commercial space and multiple production spaces; b) Competence and territorial marketing, discussing the main theoretical issues involved; c) Chilean experience on territorial marketing; d) Final comments.
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The development has been a phenomenon in constant discussion today, whose fundamental importance should be to promote the welfare of humanity. Thus, the development becomes an element that adds political, economic, social and environmental values . In Mozambique the development model adopted by the State prioritizes the economic dimension, in this case favoring the growth of capitalist structure production. Thus , the basic conditions for human survival still leaves much to be desired and the Mozambican population in general and the district of Chibuto , in particular , continue to face several difficulties to have access to such conditions, and the lack of potable water is a that most of the problems afflicting this population . The water was always a factor related to the socio-economic development of the population, where great civilizations and major economic marks were always influenced by water availability, and today this feature is present in all sectors of production. In Mozambique, much effort has been made by the government, national and international organizations to enhance and guarantee the supply of potable and drinking water, and despite all this effort, most of the population does not have access to this precious resource. In this sense, this work presents an analysis of the effects of the National Water Policy in the study area, analyzes the shortage of potable water in the district of Chibuto, discusses the design and development contained in the official discourse of the state and, opposes the idea of human development. For such issues that help to understand the phenomenon under study, such as territory, public policy and criticism of hegemonic conception of development are addressed. To make the desired approach, we performed a characterization of the District of Chibuto, addressing the issue of poverty, with a brief discussion of this concept, from different approaches, and analyze the impact of the PARPA (Action Plan for the Reduction of Absolute Poverty) in fighting poverty in Mozambique, and became a description of the scenario of poverty and vulnerability in Chibuto district with the construction of Territorial Human Development Index. Research also brings up a discussion about territory and technicization which describes the senary of the water supply system in the District and territorial dynamics of Chibuto, from the analysis and description of existing structures and other technical objects that structure the territory under study. Thus, it was found that the development should be summarized in the satisfaction of human needs, and should be the cornerstone of the new type of development that is intended for the purpose of triggering urgently actions to overcome or combat bleak misery suffered by the majority of inhabitants of the District of Chibuto
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE
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This paper will focus on three episodes of contemporary church-state relations in Georgia, in particular, the conflicting interaction between law and religion in the public space. The first episode will be an open confrontation between the church and the state over the law on Registration of Religious Minority organizations (2011) which allowed the religious minorities to freely register; second: the Law on Self-governance (2013) which Georgian Orthodox Church considered “a threat to territorial integrity of Georgia”; and lastly: the Law on Anti-discrimination (2014) which was deemed “legitimization of Sodomic sin”. By reflecting on the three examples where for the first time after the collapse of Soviet Union, the Georgian state openly confronted the church and made a decision notwithstanding its position, I will attempt to argue that the role of the Orthodox Church in influencing the law making process is in gradual decline. However, on the other hand, by presenting the results of an ethnographic study conducted in 23 eparchies and perishes in 7 regions of Georgia in 2014, I will also show that church has adapted to its declining role over policy making, and to regain its political influence it gradually started to employ a civic rather than ethno nationalist discourse on matters of religious freedom while engaging with government. The paper will suggest that both unilateral decision-making of the state and civic shift in the discourse of the church constitute an important change in understanding church-state dynamics in the post-communist Orthodox Christianity dominated society.
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The logic of territorial ordainment in Recife has been developed mainly through the seclusion of the unwanted and the removal of stilt houses and slums in order to make room and prepare the space for new private enterprises. As an example of ordainment we took the 'Via Mangue' project, which is part of Recife's mobility plan and is one of the main projects aimed at the city's preparation for the 2014 FIFA World Cup Brazil. We believe that the project makes use of the 'great social benefits' discourse in order to cover its actual and practical consequences which, taken as whole, lead to the favoring of private sector over the public interest. That being so, the main goal of the present work is to make an analysis of territorial ordainment in Recife through the execution of the Via Mangue project; observing at the same time the urban and social impacts caused by the relocation of communities to the Via Mangue III housing complex, and verifying whether this policy actually promoted substantial improvement of habitability or only a precarious social inclusion of these populations. Our research was conducted and operated at three levels. First, the conceptual reconstitution of territorial ordainment; second, documental and cartographic research on the Via Mangue project; and last, fieldwork with observation of the constructed space and personal interviews with members of the families relocated to the Via Mangue III housing complex. We hope the present work could be a valuable contribution to the comprehension of the complexities involved in the relocation of families to housing complexes built by the government
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The logic of territorial ordainment in Recife has been developed mainly through the seclusion of the unwanted and the removal of stilt houses and slums in order to make room and prepare the space for new private enterprises. As an example of ordainment we took the 'Via Mangue' project, which is part of Recife's mobility plan and is one of the main projects aimed at the city's preparation for the 2014 FIFA World Cup Brazil. We believe that the project makes use of the 'great social benefits' discourse in order to cover its actual and practical consequences which, taken as whole, lead to the favoring of private sector over the public interest. That being so, the main goal of the present work is to make an analysis of territorial ordainment in Recife through the execution of the Via Mangue project; observing at the same time the urban and social impacts caused by the relocation of communities to the Via Mangue III housing complex, and verifying whether this policy actually promoted substantial improvement of habitability or only a precarious social inclusion of these populations. Our research was conducted and operated at three levels. First, the conceptual reconstitution of territorial ordainment; second, documental and cartographic research on the Via Mangue project; and last, fieldwork with observation of the constructed space and personal interviews with members of the families relocated to the Via Mangue III housing complex. We hope the present work could be a valuable contribution to the comprehension of the complexities involved in the relocation of families to housing complexes built by the government
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The logic of territorial ordainment in Recife has been developed mainly through the seclusion of the unwanted and the removal of stilt houses and slums in order to make room and prepare the space for new private enterprises. As an example of ordainment we took the 'Via Mangue' project, which is part of Recife's mobility plan and is one of the main projects aimed at the city's preparation for the 2014 FIFA World Cup Brazil. We believe that the project makes use of the 'great social benefits' discourse in order to cover its actual and practical consequences which, taken as whole, lead to the favoring of private sector over the public interest. That being so, the main goal of the present work is to make an analysis of territorial ordainment in Recife through the execution of the Via Mangue project; observing at the same time the urban and social impacts caused by the relocation of communities to the Via Mangue III housing complex, and verifying whether this policy actually promoted substantial improvement of habitability or only a precarious social inclusion of these populations. Our research was conducted and operated at three levels. First, the conceptual reconstitution of territorial ordainment; second, documental and cartographic research on the Via Mangue project; and last, fieldwork with observation of the constructed space and personal interviews with members of the families relocated to the Via Mangue III housing complex. We hope the present work could be a valuable contribution to the comprehension of the complexities involved in the relocation of families to housing complexes built by the government
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Harmonious territorial development and urban-rural linkages have attracted increased policy attention in recent years in the attempt to overcome the predominant discourse of the urban-rural divide. Territorial development refers to a ‘process through which the geographies of territories inhabited by human societies is progressively transformed. It involves physical components (infrastructure, landscapes and townscapes, etc.) but also the territorial structure of settlements pattern, i.e. the geographic distribution of population and human activities’ (Council of Europe, 2007). Urban-rural linkages refer to ‘complementary and synergetic functions and flows of people, natural resources, capital, goods, employment, ecosystem services, information and technology between rural, peri-urban and urban areas’ (UN-HABITAT, 2015). ‘Urban-rural partnership is the mechanism of cooperation that manages linkages to reach common goals and enhance urban-rural linkages’ (OECD, 2013). Therefore, territorial or urban-rural partnerships are increasingly regarded as a desirable policy action, respectful of the particular identities of different territorial components (UCLG, 2016).