Crisis communication in politics: forgiveness as image restoration tool

Crisis communication is a widely treated field. There are lot of works and guides which provide helpful information in order to face crisis situations successfully (Alcat, 2005, Benoit, 1997) and articles about case studies (Nespereira, 2014, Blaney y Benoit 2001). Nonetheless, most of times, these guides are focused on business or corporations (Abeler, 2010) and there are not such information about crisis communications in politics (Gaspar e Ibeas, 2015). The field is smaller if we speak about forgiveness as restoration image tool in politics (Harris 2006). Despite all, we live in “forgiveness era” as Krauze said (1998) where people demand to politicians to apologize when they have mistakes (Harris et al. 2006:716). So, we will try to make an approach to forgiveness in politics as a image restoration tool and analyze its capabilities in order to face crisis management.

Review : "Networking : commercial television in Australia : a history" -- Nick Herd

Nick Herd begins his institutional history of Australian commercial television in the early 1890s, when an amateur inventor named Henry Sutton designed the ‘telephane’ with the intent of watching the Melbourne Cup in his home town of Ballarat. The ‘race that stops a nation’ was not broadcast live on television until 1960, but Sutton’s initiative indicates how closely sport and television were aligned in Australia even before the medium existed. The first licensed commercial stations to begin regular broadcasting went on air in Sydney and Melbourne shortly before the 1956 Melbourne Olympic Games, although Herd claims that this was ‘almost accidental’ rather than planned. (49) Only Melbourne viewers were able to see some events live, many via television sets in Ampol service stations following the company’s last minute sponsorship of coverage on Melbourne station GTV-9...

Women in politics in democratic transition: The case of Bhutan

This thesis is a study about women's participation in Bhutan's new democracy and exposes the patriarchy embedded in Bhutanese society which is reinforced through cultural practices and the legal framework. It reveals the public/private dichotomy, the low educational attainment of girls and the gendered division of labour which derails women's public life. It discloses a masculine driven party politics and the challenges of being a woman in the world of men. Nonetheless, the first trailblazing women parliamentarians demonstrated a principled, feminine, political leadership in a masculine environment. Semi-structured interviews, document review and participant observation methods were used to collect data.

Peeking through the Iron Curtain: Memories of Watching Finnish Television in Estonia during Soviet Occupation

The present study analyses the memories of watching Finnish television in Estonia during the last decades of the Soviet occupation from the late 1960s until the beginning of 1990s. The study stems from a culturalist approach, perceiving television as a relevant aspect in the audiences’ everyday lives. It explores the significance of Finnish television on the society of occupied Estonia from the point of view of its historical audiences. The literature review concentrates on concepts such as the power of television, transnational media, historical audience reception and memory as an object of research. It also explains the concept of spillover, which refers to the unintentional bilateral flow of television signals from one country to another. Despite the numerous efforts of the Soviet authorities to prevent the viewing of the "bourgeois television", there still remained a small gap in the Iron Curtain. The study describes the phenomenon of watching Finnish television in Estonia. It provides understanding about the significance of watching Finnish television in Soviet Estonia through the experiences of its former audience. In addition, it explores what do people remember about watching Finnish television, and why. The empirical data was acquired from peoples’ personal memories through the analysis of private interviews and written responses during the period from February 2010 to February 2011. A total of 85 responses (5 interviews and 83 written responses) were analysed. The research employed the methods of oral history and memory studies. The main theoretical sources of the study include the works of Mati Graf and Heikki Roiko-Jokela, Hagi Šein, Sonia Livingstone, Janet Staiger and Emily Keightley. The study concludes that besides fulfilling the role of an entertainer and an informer, Finnish television enabled its Estonian audiences to gain entry into the imaginary world. Access to this imaginary world was so important, that the viewers engaged in illegal activities and gained special skills, whereby a phenomenon of "television tourism" developed. Most of the memories about Finnish television are vivid and similar. The latter indicates both the reliability and the collectiveness of such memories, which in return give shape to collective identities. Thus, for the Estonian viewers, the experience of watching Finnish television during the Soviet occupation has became part of their identity.

Hamas in Politics: Democracy, Religion, Violence

Gunning, Jeroen, Hamas in Politics: Democracy, Religion, Violence (London: Hurst Publishers Ltd, 2007), pp.xiv+310 RAE2008

'A Job in Politics is not for Woman': Analysing Barriers to Women's Political Representation in CEE

This article discusses women’s political representation in Central and Eastern Europe in the fifteen years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the adoption of liberal democratic political systems in the region. It highlights the deepseated gender stereotypes that define women primarily as wives and mothers, with electoral politics seen as an appropriate activity for men, but less so for women. The article explores the ways in which conservative attitudes on gender roles hinders the supply of, and demand for, women in the politics of Central and Eastern Europe. It also discusses the manner in which the internalisation of traditional gender norms affects women’s parliamentary behaviour, as few champion women’s rights in the legislatures of the region. The article also finds that links between women MPs and women’s organisations are weak and fragmented, making coalition-building around agendas for women’s rights problematic.

Attitudes towards women in politics: Gender, generation and party identification in Ireland

This article analyzes the effects of gender, generation and party support towards a greater inclusion of women in politics in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. It explores attitudes on this issue using the same question in the Irish National Election Study (INES) and the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (NILT). The article documents a consistent gender gap in both polities that persists across the generations, despite controls for socio-demographic factors. It also reveals an unexpected generational effect that we explain as the enduring legacy of politicization to women’s rights during the 1970s. Support among party identifiers for more women in politics follows predictable lines, yet gender and generational patterns persist. The gender gap and generational patterns found in the two polities on the island provide reason for concern among those committed to gender equality in representation.

Women in Politics

this chapter provides a comprehensive discussion of the descriptive and substantive representation of women in Irish politics