996 resultados para Stone Tools


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Wild bearded capuchins, Cebus libidinosus, in Fazenda Boa Vista, Brazil crack tough palm nuts using hammer stones. We analysed the contribution of intrinsic factors (body weight, behaviour), size of the nuts and the anvil surface (flat or pit) to the efficiency of cracking. We provided capuchins with local palm nuts and a single hammer stone at an anvil. From video we scored the capuchins` position and actions with the nut prior to each strike, and outcomes of each strike. The most efficient capuchin opened 15 nuts per 100 strikes (6.6 strikes per nut). The least efficient capuchin that succeeded in opening a nut opened 1.32 nuts per 100 strikes (more than 75 strikes per nut). Body weight and diameter of the nut best predicted whether a capuchin would crack a nut on a given strike. All the capuchins consistently placed nuts into pits. To provide an independent analysis of the effect of placing the nut into a pit, we filmed an adult human cracking nuts on the same anvil using the same stone. The human displaced the nut on proportionally fewer strikes when he placed it into a pit rather than on a flat surface. Thus the capuchins placed the nut in a more effective location on the anvil to crack it. Nut cracking as practised by bearded capuchins is a striking example of a plastic behaviour where costs and benefits vary enormously across individuals, and where efficiency requires years to attain. (C) 2009 The Association for the Study of Animal Behaviour. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Appreciation of objects` affordances and planning is a hallmark of human technology. Archeological evidence suggests that Pliocene hominins selected raw material for tool making [1, 2]. Stone pounding has been considered a precursor to tool making [3, 4], and tool use by living primates provides insight into the origins of material selection by human ancestors. No study has experimentally investigated selectivity of stone tools in wild animals, although chimpanzees appear to select stones according to properties of different nut species [5, 6]. We recently discovered that wild capuchins with terrestrial habits [7] use hammers to crack open nuts on anvils [8-10]. As for chimpanzees, examination of anvil sites suggests stone selectivity [11], but indirect evidence cannot prove it. Here, we demonstrate that capuchins, which last shared a common ancestor with humans 35 million years ago, faced with stones differing in functional features (friability and weight) choose, transport, and use the effective stone to crack nuts. Moreover, when weight cannot be judged by visual attributes, capuchins act to gain information to guide their selection. Thus, planning actions and intentional selection of tools is within the ken of monkeys and similar to the tool activities of hominins and apes.

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Tracing interisland and interarchipelago movements of people and artifacts in prehistoric Polynesia has posed a challenge to archaeologists due to the lack of pottery and obsidian, two materials most readily used in studies of prehistoric trade or exchange. Here we report the application of nondestructive energy-dispersive x-ray fluorescence (EDXRF) analysis to the sourcing of Polynesian artifacts made from basalt, one of the most ubiquitous materials in Polynesian archaeological sites. We have compared excavated and surface-collected basalt adzes and adze flakes from two sites in Samoa (site AS-13-1) and the Cook Islands (site MAN-44), with source basalts from known prehistoric quarries in these archipelagoes. In both cases, we are able to demonstrate the importing of basalt adzes from Tutuila Island, a distance of 100 km to Ofu Island, and of 1600 km to Mangaia Island. These findings are of considerable significance for Polynesian prehistory, as they demonstrate the movement of objects not only between islands in the same group (where communities were culturally and linguistically related) but also between distant island groups. Further applications of EDXRF analysis should greatly aid archaeologists in their efforts to reconstruct ancient trade and exchange networks, not only in Polynesia but also in other regions where basalt was a major material for artifact production.

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Selection and transport of objects to use as tools at a distant site are considered to reflect planning. Ancestral humans transported tools and tool-making materials as well as food items. Wild chimpanzees also transport selected hammer tools and nuts to anvil sites. To date, we had no other examples of selection and transport of stone tools among wild nonhuman primates. Wild bearded capuchins (Cebus libidinosus) in Boa Vista (Piaui, Brazil) routinely crack open palm nuts and other physically well-protected foods on level surfaces (anvils) using stones (hammers) as percussive tools. Here we present indirect evidence, obtained by a transect census, that stones suitable for use as hammers are rare (study 1) and behavioral evidence of hammer transport by twelve capuchins (study 2). To crack palm nuts, adults transported heavier and harder stones than to crack other less resistant food items. These findings show that wild capuchin monkeys selectively transport stones of appropriate size and hardness to use as hammers, thus exhibiting, like chimpanzees and humans, planning in tool-use activities.

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Chimpanzees have been the traditional referential models for investigating human evolution and stone tool use by hominins. We enlarge this comparative scenario by describing normative use of hammer stones and anvils in two wild groups of bearded capuchin monkeys (Cebus libidinosus) over one year. We found that most of the individuals habitually use stones and anvils to crack nuts and other encased food items. Further, we found that in adults (1) males use stone tools more frequently than females, (2) males crack high resistance nuts more frequently than females, (3) efficiency at opening a food by percussive tool use varies according to the resistance of the encased food, (4) heavier individuals are more efficient at cracking high resistant nuts than smaller individuals, and (5) to crack open encased foods, both sexes select hammer stones on the basis of material and weight. These findings confirm and extend previous experimental evidence concerning tool selectivity in wild capuchin monkeys (Visalberghi et al., 2009b; Fragaszy et al., 2010b). Male capuchins use tools more frequently than females and body mass is the best predictor of efficiency, but the sexes do not differ in terms of efficiency. We argue that the contrasting pattern of sex differences in capuchins compared with chimpanzees, in which females use tools more frequently and more skillfully than males, may have arisen from the degree of sexual dimorphism in body size of the two species, which is larger in capuchins than in chimpanzees. Our findings show the importance of taking sex and body mass into account as separate variables to assess their role in tool use. (C) 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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The use of stones to crack open encapsulated fruit is widespread among wild bearded capuchin monkeys (Cebus libidinosus) inhabiting savanna-like environments. Some populations in Serra da Capivara National Park (Piaui, Brazil), though, exhibit a seemingly broader toolkit, using wooden sticks as probes, and employing stone tools for a variety of purposes. Over the course of 701.5 hr of visual contact of two wild capuchin groups we recorded 677 tool use episodes. Five hundred and seventeen of these involved the use of stones, and 160 involved the use of sticks (or other plant parts) as probes to access water, arthropods, or the contents of insects` nests. Stones were mostly used as ""hammers""-not only to open fruit or seeds, or smash other food items, but also to break dead wood, conglomerate rock, or cement in search of arthropods, to dislodge bigger stones, and to pulverize embedded quartz pebbles (licking, sniffing, or rubbing the body with the powder produced). Stones also were used in a ""hammer-like"" fashion to loosen the soil for digging out roots and arthropods, and sometimes as ""hoes"" to pull the loosened soil. In a few cases, we observed the re-utilization of stone tools for different purposes (N = 3), or the combined use of two tools-stones and sticks (N = 4) or two stones (N = 5), as sequential or associative tools. On three occasions, the monkeys used smaller stones to loosen bigger quartz pebbles embedded in conglomerate rock, which were subsequently used as tools. These could be considered the first reports of secondary tool use by wild capuchin monkeys. Am. J. Primatol. 71:242-251, 2009. (c) 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc.

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Mining is the process of extracting mineral resources from the Earth for commercial value. It is an ancient human activity which can be traced back to Palaeolithic times (43 000 years ago), where for example the mineral hematite was mined to produce the red pigment ochre. The importance of many mined minerals is reflected in the names of the major milestones in human civilizations: the stone, copper, bronze, and iron ages. Much later coal provided the energy that was critical to the industrial revolution and still underpins modern society, creating 38% of world energy generation today. Ancient mines used human and later animal labor and broke rock using stone tools, heat, and water, and later iron tools. Today’s mines are heavily mechanized with large diesel and electrically powered vehicles, and rock is broken with explosives or rock cutting machines.

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In recent years, the proliferation of discoveries has enabled studies of stone tools used in metal working to develop. The increasing number of tools, made mostly from Neolithic polished axes, reveals a typological and functional diversity that remained largely unsuspected. This diversity is an opportunity to understand the tools and address the technical issues relating to the plastic deformation of metals. The operations that are represented here demonstrate the techniques used by coppersmiths with specialised tools.

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Journal of Human Evolution, V. 55, pp. 148-163

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Cherts from the Middle Devonian Onondaga Formation of the Niagara Peninsula in Southern Ontario and Western New York State can now be distinguished from those of the Early Devonian Bois Blanc Formation of the same area based on differences in petrology, acritarchs, spores, and "Preservation Ratio" values. The finely crystalline, carbonate sediments of the Bois Blanc Formation were deposited under shallow, low energy conditions characterised by the acritarchs Leiofusa bacillum and L. minuta and a high relative abundance of the spore, Apiculiretusispora minor. The medio crystalline and bioclastic carbonate sediments of the Onondaga Formation were deposited under shallow, high energy conditions except for the finely crystalline lagoonal sediments of the Clarence Member which is characterised by the acritarchs Leiofusa navicula, L. sp. B, and L. tomaculata . The author has subdivided and correlated the Clarence Member of the Onondaga Formation using the "Preservation Ratio" values derived from the palynomorphs contained in the cherts. Clarence Member cherts were used by the Archaic people of the Niagara Peninsula for chipped-stone tools. The source area for the chert is considered to be the cobble beach deposits along the north shore of Lake Erie from Port Maitland to Nanticoke

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

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Parmi la grande quantité de témoins culturels découverts sur le site Droulers/Tsiionhiakwatha (BgFn-1), la pierre taillée et polie forme un assemblage bien modeste. Les Iroquoiens de Droulers ont habité un village semi-permanent daté du Sylvicole supérieur, plus précisément entre l’an 1430 et 1500 ap. J.-C. Ils ont fabriqués des grattoirs, des pointes de flèches, des forets, des polissoirs et des meules à mains, en plus d’outils en quartz hyalin dont la fonction n’est pas bien définie. Parmi les 3595 objets lithiques, nous trouvons 18 outils et 1085 déchets de taille en cristal, ce qui représente près de 30% du total. Le quartz hyalin fut utilisé durant la préhistoire québécoise, mais jamais en aussi grande quantité que sur Droulers. Nous présentons la chaîne opératoire du quartz hyalin, de son extraction à son rejet sur les sites archéologiques. Nous explorons également son utilisation et sa symbolique chez les habitants du village Droulers, une enquête basée sur des données archéologiques et ethnographiques des Amérindiens actuels et de ceux de la période de Contact du nord-est de l’Amérique du nord.

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Stone tools and faunal remains have been recovered from the English Channel and the North Sea through trawling, dredging for aggregates, channel clearance, and coring. These finds highlight the potential for a maritime Lower Palaeolithic archaeological resource. It is proposed here that any Lower Palaeolithic artefacts, faunal remains, and sediments deposited in the maritime zone during dry, low-stand phases were once (and may still be) contextually similar to their counterparts in the terrestrial Lower Palaeolithic records of north-western Europe. Given these similarities, can interpretive models and analytical frameworks developed for terrestrial archaeology be profitably applied to an assessment of the potential value of any maritime resource? The terrestrial geoarchaeological resource for the Lower Palaeolithic is dominated by artefacts and ecofacts that have been fluvially reworked. The spatio-temporal resolution of these data varies from entire river valleys and marine isotope stages to river channel gravel bar surfaces and decadal timescales, thus supporting a variety of questions and approaches. However, the structure of the terrestrial resource also highlights two fundamental limitations in current maritime knowledge that can restrict the application of terrestrial approaches to any potential maritime resource: (i) how have the repetitive transgressions and regressions of the Middle and Late Pleistocene modified the terrace landforms and sediments associated with the river systems of the English Channel and southern North Sea basins?; and (ii) do the surviving submerged terrace landforms and fluvial sedimentary deposits support robust geochronological models, as is the case with the classical terrestrial terrace sequences? This paper highlights potential approaches to these questions, and concludes that the fluvial palaeogeography, Pleistocene fossils, and potential Lower Palaeolithic artefacts of the maritime geoarchaeological resource can be profitably investigated in future as derived, low-resolution data sets, facilitating questions of colonisation, occupation, demography, and material culture.

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There is considerable controversy over whether pre-Columbian (pre-A.D. 1492) Amazonia was largely “pristine” and sparsely populated by slash-and-burn agriculturists, or instead a densely populated, domesticated landscape, heavily altered by extensive deforestation and anthropogenic burning. The discovery of hundreds of large geometric earthworks beneath intact rainforest across southern Amazonia challenges its status as a pristine landscape, and has been assumed to indicate extensive pre-Columbian deforestation by large populations. We tested these assumptions using coupled local- and regional-scale paleoecological records to reconstruct land use on an earthwork site in northeast Bolivia within the context of regional, climate-driven biome changes. This approach revealed evidence for an alternative scenario of Amazonian land use, which did not necessitate labor-intensive rainforest clearance for earthwork construction. Instead, we show that the inhabitants exploited a naturally open savanna landscape that they maintained around their settlement despite the climatically driven rainforest expansion that began ∼2,000 y ago across the region. Earthwork construction and agriculture on terra firme landscapes currently occupied by the seasonal rainforests of southern Amazonia may therefore not have necessitated large-scale deforestation using stone tools. This finding implies far less labor—and potentially lower population density—than previously supposed. Our findings demonstrate that current debates over the magnitude and nature of pre-Columbian Amazonian land use, and its impact on global biogeochemical cycling, are potentially flawed because they do not consider this land use in the context of climate-driven forest–savanna biome shifts through the mid-to-late Holocene.