974 resultados para South American Defense Council (SDC)


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The South American Defense Council (CSD), created in March 2009 as a military coordinating body of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) demonstrates a growing trend among Latin American countries to approach matters of regional security independent of the United States. The CSD also indicates a maturation of democratic civil military relations in a region once dominated by authoritarian military regimes. The CSD aims to facilitate the exchange of information about regional defense policies, promote collaboration for disaster relief, and promote civil-military engagement. In less than a year it is hardly a tested entity, but the presence of 12 South American states coming together around security policy marks an important moment in the evolution of civil-military relations in the region. Brazil has taken on an important leadership role in the CSD, acting as a leader in recent regional peacekeeping efforts. As a geopolitical move, Brazil also sees a benefit in promoting good relationships with all countries of South america, given its common border with nine of them. Although the United States is not a member of the CSD, the organization's agenda of infromation exchange of defense policies, military cooperation, and capacity building, including disaster assistance and preparedness provide opportunities for greater collaboration. The CSD is not part of the Inter-American System created after the Second World War. It is unclear how its work will coincide with the OAS Committee on Hemispheric Security or its Secretariat for Multidimensional Security. The U.S. should view the CSD as a mechanism to promote joint initiatives that encourage democratic governance in the region.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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La estrategia exterior de seguridad y defensa de Brasil es el elemento por excelencia de proyección regional de este país. A través de la utilización de Instituciones Internacionales y regionales, como la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas y el Consejo Suramericano de Defensa, Brasil logra configurarse como un actor emergente con grandes posibilidades de transformar la balanza de poder del Sistema Internacional.

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Análisis del proceso de securitización iniciado por Brasil en 2001 como respuesta a una serie de amenazas externas que se traducían en eventuales riesgos para su estabilidad como líder regional. Teniendo en cuenta dicho proceso interno se analiza a su vez la interacción del mismo con la configuración del complejo de seguridad regional mediante la UNASUR y el Consejo de Defensa Suramericano.

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El presente estudio de caso analiza los aportes del Centro de Estudios Estratégicos de Defensa (CEED) de la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas (Unasur) en la formación de un pensamiento estratégico regional. Cuatro años han transcurrido desde la creación de dicho Centro, por lo que resulta pertinente estudiar sus principales logros y los aportes realizados al Consejo de Defensa Suramericano (CDS) para la formación de un pensamiento estratégico regional en materia de seguridad y defensa.

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Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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Upper-mantle seismic anisotropy has been extensively used to infer both present and past deformation processes at lithospheric and asthenospheric depths. Analysis of shear-wave splitting (mainly from core-refracted SKS phases) provides information regarding upper-mantle anisotropy. We present average measurements of fast-polarization directions at 21 new sites in poorly sampled regions of intra-plate South America, such as northern and northeastern Brazil. Despite sparse data coverage for the South American stable platform, consistent orientations are observed over hundreds of kilometers. Over most of the continent, the fast-polarization direction tends to be close to the absolute plate motion direction given by the hotspot reference model HS3-NUVEL-1A. A previous global comparison of the SKS fast-polarization directions with flow models of the upper mantle showed relatively poor correlation on the continents, which was interpreted as evidence for a large contribution of ""frozen"" anisotropy in the lithosphere. For the South American plate, our data indicate that one of the reasons for the poor correlation may have been the relatively coarse model of lithospheric thicknesses. We suggest that improved models of upper-mantle flow that are based on more detailed lithospheric thicknesses in South America may help to explain most of the observed anisotropy patterns.

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Circadian rhythms are regarded as essentially ubiquitous features of animal behavior and are thought to confer important adaptive advantages. However, although circadian systems of rodents have been among the most extensively studied, most comparative biology is restricted to a few related species. In this study, the circadian organization of locomotor activity was studied in the subterranean, solitary north Argentinean rodent, Ctenomys knightii. The genus, Ctenomys, commonly known as Tuco-tucos, comprises more than 50 known species over a range that extends from 12S latitude into Patagonia, and includes at least one social species. The genus, therefore, is ideal for comparative and ecological studies of circadian rhythms. Ctenomys knightii is the first of these to be studied for its circadian behavior. All animals were wild caught but adapted quickly to laboratory conditions, with clear and precise activity-rest rhythms in a light-dark (LD) cycle and strongly nocturnal wheel running behavior. In constant dark (DD), the rhythm expression persisted with free-running periods always longer than 24h. Upon reinstatement of the LD cycle, rhythms resynchronized rapidly with large phase advances in 7/8 animals. In constant light (LL), six animals had free-running periods shorter than in DD, and 4/8 showed evidence of splitting. We conclude that under laboratory conditions, in wheel-running cages, this species shows a clear nocturnal rhythmic organization controlled by an endogenous circadian oscillator that is entrained to 24h LD cycles, predominantly by light-induced advances, and shows the same interindividual variable responses to constant light as reported in other non-subterranean species. These data are the first step toward understanding the chronobiology of the largest genus of subterranean rodents.

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The current article aims to update the discussion on the South American context making use of the theory of Regional Security Regional Complexes (RSC). It begins with a theoretical discussion, based on Buzan and Wæver's work. It then presents the hypothesis that, differently from what is assumed in the literature, the South American RSC is not a standard one, but a centred one, in which the centre is not a global power. An empirical analysis follows, showing that Brazil possesses the necessary resources, and has presented some cogent political initiatives, such as the creation of the Union of South American Nations (Unasur) and its Defense Council (SDC), but in other moments has been reluctant take a leadership role in South America. The analysis concludes that, regarding its configuration, the South American RSC corroborates the authors' hypothesis and that Brazil should consolidate its role at the centre of such a complex.

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In this study we examine the impact of Indian Ocean sea surface temperature (SST) variability on South American circulation using observations and a suite of numerical experiments forced by a combination of Indian and Pacific SST anomalies. Previous studies have shown that the Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD) mode can affect climate over remote regions across the globe, including over South America. Here we show that such a link exists not only with the IOD, but also with the Indian Ocean basin-wide warming (IOBW). The IOBW, a response to El Nino events, tends to reinforce the South American anomalous circulation in March-to-May associated with the warm events in the Pacific. This leads to increased rainfall in the La Plata basin and decreased rainfall over the northern regions of the continent. In addition, the IOBW is suggested to be an important factor for modulating the persistence of dry conditions over northeastern South America during austral autumn. The link between the IOBW and South American climate occurs via alterations of the Walker circulation pattern and through a mid-latitude wave-train teleconnection.

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Species of Smilax,, also known as greenbrier, are widely distributed in Brazil and their commercial trades are carried out by the extractivism of native species. We the aim to provide information about the germination and development of seedlings in four Smilax species, different experiments were developed under controlled conditions. We evaluated two germination treatments: temperature (30 degrees C and 20-30 degrees C) and light (presence/absence), and for few cases the tetrazolium treatment was applied. A different treatment response was observed among the studied species. Light had a significant influence in S. brasiliensis, with the highest germination rates at 20-30 C in dark conditions. S. campestris showed significant differences among temperature treatments, but not to light; while S. cissoides showed high germination rates (66-78%), independently of treatment. However, S. polyantha had low germination rates (19-24%). After one year, the expanded leaves showed different characteristics among the studied species. Leaves of S. brasiliensis were ovate, coriaceous, three main veins and prickle-like structures only on the midrib on abaxial face. S. campestris leaves were oblong, coriaceous and prickle-like structures were located at the leaf midrib and margin. S. cissoides had ovate-elliptic, membranaceous leaves, with three main veins with prickle-like structures on the abaxial face. S. polyantha leaves showed ovate-elliptic. coriaceous leaves, with three main veins, translucent secondary veins and no prickle-like structures. A seedling identification key was elaborated based on morphological characteristics. Rev. Biol. Trop. 60 (1): 495-504. Epub 2012 March 01.

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More than 30% of Buccella peruviana (D'Orbigny), Globocassidulina crassa porrecta (Earland & Heron-Allen), Cibicides mackannai (Galloway & Wissler) and C. refulgens (Montfort) indicate the presence of cold Sub Antarctic Shelf Water in winter, from 33.5 to 38.3 degrees S, deeper than 100 m, in the southern part of the study area. In summer, the abundance of this association decreases to less than 15% around 37.5-38.9 degrees S where two species (Globocassidulina subglobosa (Brady), Uvigerina peregrina (Cushman) take over. G. subglobosa, U. peregrina, and Hanzawaia boueana (D'Orbigny) are found at 27-33 degrees S in both seasons in less than 55 m deep in the northern part, and are linked with warm Subtropical Shelf Water and Tropical Water. Freshwater influence was signalized by high silicate concentration and by the presence of Pseudononion atlanticum (Cushman), Bolivina striatula (Cushman), Buliminella elegantissima (D'Orbigny), Bulimina elongata (D'Orbigny), Elphidium excavatum (Terquem), E. poeyanum (D'Orbigny), Ammobaculites exiguus (Cushman & Bronnimann), Arenoparrella mexicana (Kornfeld), Gaudryina exillis (Cushman & Bronnimann), Textularia earlandi (Parker) and thecamoebians in four sectors of the shelf. The presence of Bulimina marginata (D'Orbigny) between 34.1-32.8 degrees S in the winter and 34.2-32.7 degrees S in the summer indicates that the influence of the Subtropical Shelf Front on the sediment does not change seasonally, otherwise, the presence of Angulogerina angulosa (Williamson) in the winter, only in Mar del Plata (38.9 degrees S), show that Malvinas currents are not influencing the sediment in the summer.