Michigan Slavic materials.

Mode of access: Internet.

Revue des études slaves.

Mode of access: Internet.

Slavia occidentalis.

At head of title: Posnańskie Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk. Wydział Filologiczno-Filozoficzny.

Archiv für slavische philologie.

Publication suspended May 1920-Oct. 1922.

Russkīĭ filologicheskīĭ vi͡estnik.

Imprint varies; vols. for 1994- published: Moskva : V izd-ve "Moskovskiĭ lit͡seĭ."

Slavistic printings and reprintings.

Description based on: 2, published in 1954.

Lekt︠s︡īi po slavi︠a︡nskomu i︠a︡zykoznanīi︠u︡ /

Vol. 1: Ottisk iz Universitetskikh izvi︠e︡stīĭ za 1892-1895 gg.; v. 2: Izdano na sredstva Imperatorskago universiteta sv. Vladimīra.

Eos.

Published: Wrocław : Ossolineum, <1987->

Świat słowiański.

Edited by Feliks Koneczny.

Dobrowsky's Slavin; Bothschaft aus Böhemen an alle slawischen Völker, oder Beiträge zu ihrer Charakteristik ...

Mode of access: Internet.

Zapiski Istoriko-filologicheskago fakulʹteta Imperatorskago S.-Peterburgskago universiteta.

Some vols. issued in parts.

Problems of Proto-Slavic Historical Nominal Morphology : On the Basis of Old Church Slavic

In this study I offer a diachronic solution for a number of difficult inflectional endings in Old Church Slavic nominal declensions. In this context I address the perhaps most disputed and the most important question of the Slavic nominal inflectional morphology: whether there was in Proto-Slavic an Auslautgesetz (ALG), a law of final syllables, that narrowed the Proto-Indo-European vowel */o/ to */u/ in closed word-final syllables. In addition, the work contains an exhaustive morphological classification of the nouns and adjectives that occur in canonical Old Church Slavic. I argue that Proto-Indo-European */o/ became Proto-Slavic */u/ before word-final */s/ and */N/. This conclusion is based on the impossibility of finding credible analogical (as opposed to phonological) explanations for the forms supporting the ALG hypothesis, and on the survival of the neuter gender in Slavic. It is not likely that the */o/-stem nominative singular ending */-u/ was borrowed from the accusative singular, because the latter would have been the only paradigmatic form with the stem vowel */-u-/. It is equally unlikely that the ending */-u/ was borrowed from the */u/-stems, because the latter constituted a moribund class. The usually stated motivation for such an analogical borrowing, i.e. a need to prevent the merger of */o/-stem masculines with neuters of the same class, is not tenable. Extra-Slavic, as well as intra-Slavic evidence suggests that phonologically-triggered mergers between two semantically opaque genders do not tend to be prevented, but rather that such mergers lead to the loss of the gender opposition in question. On the other hand, if */-os/ had not become */-us/, most nouns and, most importantly, all adjectives and pronouns would have lost the formal distinction between masculines and neuters. This would have necessarily resulted in the loss of the neuter gender. A new explanation is given for the most apparent piece of evidence against the ALG hypothesis, the nominative-accusative singular of the */es/-stem neuters, e.g. nebo 'sky'. I argue that it arose in late Proto-Slavic dialects, replacing regular nebe, under the influence of the */o/- and */yo/-stems where a correlation had emerged between a hard root-final consonant and the termination -o, on the one hand, and a soft root-final consonant and the termination -e, on the other.

Peasant pioneers; an interpretation of the Slavic peoples in the United States, bx Kenneth D. Miller. Slavic design on cover by B. Mrazek.

http://www.archive.org/details/peasantpioneersa008724mbp