Las relaciones sino-rusas y la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái como un primer eje de análisis sobre la cuestión

Esta investigación tiene como eje fundamental el estudio de las relaciones actuales sino-rusas y, más particularmente, a la organización de cooperación de Shanghái (en adelante OCS) como un punto de convergencia de intereses Chinos y Rusos en la región de Asía central. Dicha dinámica supone, por un lado, la posibilidad de un proceso de colaboración y de desarrollo conjunto en la región. Pero por otro lado supone un conflicto de intereses ya que tanto China como Rusia buscan expandir su órbita de influencia en el espacio post-sovietico ya señalado. Por lo dicho este estudio intenta acercarse a la comprensión de la dinámica de la OCS en los últimos años. Para ello se aproxima a la temática, partir de dos miradas: La primera podría catalogarse como una mirada que enfatiza cuestiones de carácter acontecimental y cuyo interés reside en comprender los cambios acaecidos en la OCS en los últimos años, un análisis de los acuerdos hacia dentro y fuera del grupo, los marcos e instituciones que componen a la OCS, las distintas instancias de contacto entre los gobiernos ruso y chino, etc. La segunda mirada, a sabiendas de la expansión de las economías asiáticas en los últimos años, profundiza lo expresado anteriormente y lo enmarca en una concepción más amplia que parte del presupuesto teórico de que nos encontramos actualmente en una transición del centro de poder global (Wallerstein, 2006) desde Estados Unidos y Europa Occidental hacia las potencias emergentes asiáticas como la República popular de China, Rusia, India y el continente asiático en general. Dicha mirada funcionara como una guía y un presupuesto para pensar la cuestión desde una óptica de largo plazo

Las relaciones sino-rusas y la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái como un primer eje de análisis sobre la cuestión

Esta investigación tiene como eje fundamental el estudio de las relaciones actuales sino-rusas y, más particularmente, a la organización de cooperación de Shanghái (en adelante OCS) como un punto de convergencia de intereses Chinos y Rusos en la región de Asía central. Dicha dinámica supone, por un lado, la posibilidad de un proceso de colaboración y de desarrollo conjunto en la región. Pero por otro lado supone un conflicto de intereses ya que tanto China como Rusia buscan expandir su órbita de influencia en el espacio post-sovietico ya señalado. Por lo dicho este estudio intenta acercarse a la comprensión de la dinámica de la OCS en los últimos años. Para ello se aproxima a la temática, partir de dos miradas: La primera podría catalogarse como una mirada que enfatiza cuestiones de carácter acontecimental y cuyo interés reside en comprender los cambios acaecidos en la OCS en los últimos años, un análisis de los acuerdos hacia dentro y fuera del grupo, los marcos e instituciones que componen a la OCS, las distintas instancias de contacto entre los gobiernos ruso y chino, etc. La segunda mirada, a sabiendas de la expansión de las economías asiáticas en los últimos años, profundiza lo expresado anteriormente y lo enmarca en una concepción más amplia que parte del presupuesto teórico de que nos encontramos actualmente en una transición del centro de poder global (Wallerstein, 2006) desde Estados Unidos y Europa Occidental hacia las potencias emergentes asiáticas como la República popular de China, Rusia, India y el continente asiático en general. Dicha mirada funcionara como una guía y un presupuesto para pensar la cuestión desde una óptica de largo plazo

Las relaciones sino-rusas y la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái como un primer eje de análisis sobre la cuestión

Esta investigación tiene como eje fundamental el estudio de las relaciones actuales sino-rusas y, más particularmente, a la organización de cooperación de Shanghái (en adelante OCS) como un punto de convergencia de intereses Chinos y Rusos en la región de Asía central. Dicha dinámica supone, por un lado, la posibilidad de un proceso de colaboración y de desarrollo conjunto en la región. Pero por otro lado supone un conflicto de intereses ya que tanto China como Rusia buscan expandir su órbita de influencia en el espacio post-sovietico ya señalado. Por lo dicho este estudio intenta acercarse a la comprensión de la dinámica de la OCS en los últimos años. Para ello se aproxima a la temática, partir de dos miradas: La primera podría catalogarse como una mirada que enfatiza cuestiones de carácter acontecimental y cuyo interés reside en comprender los cambios acaecidos en la OCS en los últimos años, un análisis de los acuerdos hacia dentro y fuera del grupo, los marcos e instituciones que componen a la OCS, las distintas instancias de contacto entre los gobiernos ruso y chino, etc. La segunda mirada, a sabiendas de la expansión de las economías asiáticas en los últimos años, profundiza lo expresado anteriormente y lo enmarca en una concepción más amplia que parte del presupuesto teórico de que nos encontramos actualmente en una transición del centro de poder global (Wallerstein, 2006) desde Estados Unidos y Europa Occidental hacia las potencias emergentes asiáticas como la República popular de China, Rusia, India y el continente asiático en general. Dicha mirada funcionara como una guía y un presupuesto para pensar la cuestión desde una óptica de largo plazo

Clouds of Suspicion: Airspace Arrangements, Escalation, and Discord in U.S./NATO-Russian Relations

How have cooperative airspace arrangements contributed to cooperation and discord in the Euro-Atlantic region? This study analyzes the role of three sets of airspace arrangements developed by Euro-Atlantic states since the end of the Cold War—(1) cooperative aerial surveillance of military activity, (2) exchange of air situational data, and (3) joint engagement of theater air and missile threats—in political-military relations among neighbors and within the region. These arrangements provide insights into the integration of Central and Eastern European states into Western security institutions, and the current discord that centers on the conflict in Ukraine and Russia’s place in regional security. The study highlights the role of airspace incidents as contributors to conflict escalation and identifies opportunities for transparency- and confidence-building measures to improve U.S./NATO-Russian relations. The study recommends strengthening the Open Skies Treaty in order to facilitate the resolution of conflicts and improve region-wide military transparency. It notes that political-military arrangements for engaging theater air and missile threats created by NATO and Russia over the last twenty years are currently postured in a way that divides the region and inhibits mutual security. In turn, the U.S.-led Regional Airspace Initiatives that facilitated the exchange of air situational data between NATO and then-NATO-aspirants such as Poland and the Baltic states, offer a useful precedent for improving air sovereignty and promoting information sharing to reduce the fear of war among participating states. Thus, projects like NATO’s Air Situational Data Exchange and the NATO-Russia Council Cooperative Airspace Initiative—if extended to the exchange of data about military aircraft—have the potential to buttress deterrence and contribute to conflict prevention. The study concludes that documenting the evolution of airspace arrangements since the end of the Cold War contributes to understanding of the conflicting narratives put forward by Russia, the West, and the states “in-between” with respect to reasons for the current state of regional security. The long-term project of developing a zone of stable peace in the Euro-Atlantic must begin with the difficult task of building inclusive security institutions to accommodate the concerns of all regional actors.

The Japanese History Textbook Controversy Amid Post-War Sino-Japanese Relations

The relations between China and Japan are strained and continue to foster negative emotions partly because of China’s grievances about Japan’s actions during World War II and the allegedly false historiographical accounts found in Japanese history textbooks. This study will utilize historical analysis of the events leading up to the Nanjing Massacre in December of 1937, examine the Japanese Ministry of Education’s (MEXT) critical and contentious role in the selection of textbooks, used for primary and secondary schools, and will also juxtapose the controversial 2001 Atarashii rekishi kyōkasho with current Japanese history textbooks. The study will also include a syntactical analysis of key terms through my own original translations of multiple Japanese history textbooks, which are currently used in the Japanese school curriculum, to reveal that the textbook publishers, MEXT, and regulation councils are involved in adjusting the content causing the information to reveal various degrees of whitewashing.

Fortalecendo laços: o conceito chinês de parceria estratégica aplicado às relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira

Esta dissertação trata das relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira a partir do conceito de parceria estratégica, tal como este aparece na formulação teórica dos chineses. Neste sentido, a análise recai sobre o pensamento político chinês e como este articula uma concepção própria sobre as relações internacionais, na qual é dada uma ênfase às relações bilaterais da China com países aos quais confere peso estratégico no rol de suas relações bilaterais. O conceito de parceria estratégica, neste trabalho, refere-se a relações bilaterais constituídas com um grau de institucionalização de meios de consulta e organismos permanentes entre os Estados, sem com isso em traduzir-se em alianças entre os dois países ou voltadas contra um terceiro Estado. Oficialmente, o termo parceria estratégica aparece na diplomacia chinesa para caracterizar as relações bilaterais da China com o Brasil e a Rússia, por exemplo, entendidas como o tipo de relacionamento mais harmonioso do país asiático com outros Estados, uma vez que a República Popular não constitui mais alianças ou relações de muita proximidade com qualquer membro do sistema internacional. Levando em conta a validade deste conceito de parceria estratégica, são analisadas as relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira, para compreender até que ponto é válido o conceito como ferramenta explicativa.

La Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái (OCS): ¿una alianza estratégica Sino-Rusa para el control de Asia Central? (2001-2014)

La presente monografía pretende analizar en qué medida el co-liderazgo sino-ruso de la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái puede condicionar la hegemonía estadounidense en Asia Central. Esta investigación defiende que los objetivos del co-liderazgo sino-ruso de la OCS - garantizar un orden multipolar del Sistema Internacional; obtener el acceso, control y explotación de los recursos (naturales, minerales e hídricos); disminuir la influencia política y militar de Estados Unidos en dicho pivote geopolítico - evidencian una contraposición al código geopolítico estadounidense en Asia Central, lo cual genera un limitante a su proyecto de hegemonía en la región. Para sustentar lo anterior se utilizan categorías analíticas propias de la Geopolítica de autores como Zbigniew Brzezinski, Saul Cohen y Peter Taylor, las cuales se contrastan con las estrategias de Rusia, China y Estados Unidos en Asia Central.

Análisis de las relaciones bilaterales sino-colombianas en materia económica. Una aproximación desde el “Plan Maestro de Aprovechamiento del Río Magdalena”. Período 2006-2012.

El desarrollo de esta monografía busca establecer que el cambio de gobierno colombiano en 2010 fue determinante para el fortalecimiento de las relaciones bilaterales sino-colombianas especialmente en materia económica, dando lugar a la firma del Plan Maestro de Aprovechamiento del Rio Magdalena que al incidir en la infraestructura a lo largo del rio, generará una mayor competitividad, afectando de esta manera las relaciones comerciales no solo con la República Popular China sino con el resto del mundo ya que se reducirían las negociaciones asimétricas, dentro de las cuales se encuentran el valor de los bienes ofertados en el exterior.

The Taiwan Strait Crisis of 1954-55 and U.S.-R.O.C Relations

On September 3, 1954, Chinese artillery began shelling Quemoy (Jinmen), one of the Kuomintang-held offshore islands, setting off the first Taiwan Strait Crisis. This paper focuses on the crisis and analyzes the following three questions: (1) What was the policy the U.S. took towards the Republic of China (R.O.C), especially towards the offshore islands, to try to end the Taiwan Strait Crisis? (2) What were the intentions of the U.S. government in trying to end the Taiwan Strait Crisis? And (3) how should U.S. policy towards the R.O.C. which led to solving the Taiwan Strait Crisis be positioned in the history of Sino-American relations? Through analysis of these questions, this study concludes that the position the U.S. took to bring an end to crisis, one which prevented China from “liberating Taiwan” and the Kuomintang from “attacking the mainland,” brought about the existence of a de facto “two-China” situation.

The German reaction to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict- shock and disbelief. OSW Commentary No. 132, 03.04.2014

The crisis in Ukraine and the Russian intervention have brought about a situation in which it is necessary for Germany to make decisions and take action. No one in Berlin was prepared for this nor did anyone want this to occur. The effect of this is that the government has adopted a clearly critical stance on Russia, albeit in tandem with cautious diplomatic moves; it has given its consent to limited sanctions on representatives of the Russian elite, and has disapproved of economic sanctions. On the other hand, voices have been heard in the political debate in Germany not only warning of the catastrophic consequences of a deterioration in German-Russian relations but also those in fact expressing understanding for the Russian reaction. Although it is typical above all of the business circles engaged in Russia and the authors of Germany’s Ostpolitik to downplay the Kremlin’s moves, political parties and the German public are divided over how Germany should respond to Moscow’s policy, and this dispute will worsen. Berlin will take a whole array of actions to de-escalate the conflict, since the imposition of radical political and economic sanctions on Russia would also have a strong adverse effect on Germany. As regards sanctions, Germany would not only sustain economic losses, but they would also undermine the ideological foundations for the still popular vision for Germany’s strategy towards Russia in which great emphasis is laid on a strong “respect for the EU’s most important neighbour and its interests”.

How far do the borders of the west extend? Russian/Polish strategic conflicts in the period 1990-2010. OSW Report, 2010-03-18

From a historical perspective, the last two decades can almost be regarded as a 'golden age' of Polish-Russian relations. This is the first time in several centuries that a sovereign Poland and Russia have been able to develop mutual relations without resorting to force; moreover, they have established a bilateral legal basis and put into practice its provisions on "the inviolability of borders, territorial integrity, non-interference with internal affairs and the nations' right to self-determination. This does not change the fact that since 1990 the atmosphere between the two countries has much more often been chilly and tense. Contrary to the widely-held belief, Polish-Russian conflicts do not stem from genetic Russophobia on the part of Poland, or irrational prejudice on the part of Russia. Their substance is real and concerns strategic issues. At the deepest level, though, this is a dispute about how far the borders of the Western world extend, and about the Russian Federation's sphere of influence. However, it is not a clash between two states; moreover, Poland is certainly not the most important actor in this regard, although due to the historical context and its geographic location, it is one of the countries that lies closest to the 'line of contact', and is therefore particularly entangled in the disagreement.

Bulgarian-Russian games in the energy sector: an outcome is getting closer. OSW Commentary No. 61, 2011-10-5

Bulgaria and Russia are entering the final phase of setting the conditions of their co-operation in the energy sector. A new gas contract is being negotiated because the currently applicable agreements will have expired by the end of 2012. The fate of two major energy projects – whose implementation depends on good co-operation between Sofia and Moscow: the Burgas– –Alexandroupolis oil pipeline and the construction of a Bulgarian nuclear power plant in Belene with Russian participation – is currently being decided. Another issue ever-present on the agenda is the future of the South Stream gas pipeline promoted by Russia, which is to run through Bulgarian territory. The outcome of all the aforementioned discussions and negotiations will determine for years the model of Bulgarian-Russian relations and may strongly affect the shape of the oil, gas and electricity markets in South-Eastern Europe.

Prime Minister Fico’s Russian card. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER NUMBER 175/01.07.2015

Since the beginning of the Ukrainian-Russian conflict, the position of Slovakia’s left-wing government towards Russia has been ambiguous. Bratislava has accepted the EU sanctions targeting Russia and the plan for strengthening NATO’s eastern flank. At the same time, however, Prime Minister Robert Fico’s government has maintained close political relations with the Kremlin. It has called for the intensification of Slovak-Russian economic relations and has repeatedly criticised the sanctions, speaking in tandem with Russian propaganda in so doing. Slovakia’s Prime Minister is hoping that by playing the role of one of the leaders in the EU and NATO who are most willing to cooperate with Russia, he will gain economic benefits and win votes in next spring’s upcoming parliamentary elections. Despite numerous pro-Russian gestures, Slovakia has been limiting the number of areas in which Moscow could exert pressure on Bratislava. As it strives to become independent of Russia, Slovakia has ensured possible alternative fuel supplies for itself. Moreover, it has been gradually replacing Russian-made military equipment with equipment made in the West. The Slovak government does intend to develop the country’s cooperation with Russia, including in strategic areas involving supplies and transit of oil and gas, as well as supplies of nuclear fuel. Nevertheless, it has been making efforts to gain easy access to an alternative source of supplies in each of these areas. Beset by crises, Russia has ever fewer economic cooperation opportunities to offer Slovakia, and Slovak businesses operating on the Russian market have to take into account the growing risk of insolvency of local contractors. To a great extent, therefore, Slovak-Russian relations have been reduced to rhetorical statements confirming the desire for closer cooperation, and to visions of joint projects accompanied by an ever shorter list of feasible cooperation initiatives.

Xinjiang and Central Asia: Ethno-religious, political, and economic interactions

The neighboring regions of Xinjiang and Central Asia, linked historically on the famous Silk Road, later developed separately as a result of the incorporation of the former into China and the latter into the Russian Empire and Soviet Union. Thus, interaction between Xinjiang and Central Asia has been constrained by the nature of the Sino-Russian or Sino-Soviet relationship. However, the demise of the Soviet Union--which resulted in the independence of five Central Asian states--and the recent economic reforms in the People's Republic of China suggest dramatic new possibilities for interregional cooperation.^ In this thesis, an historical and comparative approach is employed to study Chinese policies in Xinjiang and Soviet policies in Central Asia, and concludes that despite several decades of separate development, the common ethnic and religious origins of the indigenous peoples and their former ties will facilitate greater interaction between the two regions. ^