969 resultados para School violence


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Some antibullying interventions have shown positive outcomes with regard to reducing violence. The aim of the study was to experimentally assess the effects on school violence and aggressiveness of a program to prevent and reduce cyberbullying. The sample was comprised of a randomly selected sample of 176 adolescents (93 experimental, 83 control), aged 13-15 years. The study used a repeated measures pre-posttest design with a control group. Before and after the program, two assessment instruments were administered: the "Cuestionario de Violencia Escolar-Revisado" (CUVE-R [School Violence Questionnaire- Revised]; Alvarez Garcia et al., 2011) and the "Cuestionario de agresividad premeditada e impulsiva" (CAPI-A [Premeditated and Impulsive Aggressiveness Questionnaire]; Andreu, 2010). The intervention consisted of 19 one-hour sessions carried out during the school term. The program contains 25 activities with the following objectives: (1) to identify and conceptualize bullying/cyberbullying; (2) to analyze the consequences of bullying/cyberbullying, promoting participants' capacity to report such actions when they are discovered; (3) to develop coping strategies to prevent and reduce bullying/cyberbullying; and (4) to achieve other transversal goals, such as developing positive variables (empathy, active listening, social skills, constructive conflict resolution, etc.). The pre-posttest ANCOVAs confirmed that the program stimulated a decrease in: (1) diverse types of school violence teachers' violence toward students (ridiculing or publicly humiliating students in front of the class, etc.); students' physical violence (fights, blows, shoves... aimed at the victim, or at his or her property, etc.); students' verbal violence (using offensive language, cruel, embarrassing, or insulting words... toward classmates and teachers); social exclusion (rejection or exclusion of a person or group, etc.), and violence through Information and Communication Technologies (ICT; violent behaviors by means of electronic instruments such as mobile phones and the Internet); and (2) premeditated and impulsive aggressiveness. Pre-posttest MANCOVA revealed differences between conditions with a medium effect size. This work contributes an efficacious intervention tool for the prevention and reduction of peer violence. The conclusions drawn from this study have interesting implications for educational and clinical intervention.

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School violence has recently become a central concern among teachers, students, students' parents and policymakers. Violence can induce behaviors on educational agents that go against the goals of improving the quality of education and increasing school attendance. In fact, there is evidence that school environmental characteristics and student performance and behavior at school are related. Although school violence may have a direct impact on students’ performance, such impact has not yet been quantified. In this paper, we investigate this issue using Brazilian data and show that, on average, students who attended more violent schools had worse proficiency on a centralized test carried out by the Brazilian Ministry of Education, even when we controlled for school, class, teachers and student characteristics. We also show that school violence affects more the students from the bottom of the proficiency distribution. Furthermore, we find out that besides the direct effect on student proficiency, it seems that school violence has an indirect effect on it operating through teacher turnover. Indeed, we show that the occurrence of violent episodes in a school decreases the probability of a class in that school having only one teacher during the academic year, and increases the probability of that class having more than one teacher (teacher turnover).

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School connectedness is “the extent to which students feel personally accepted, respected, included, and supported by others in the school social environment” (Goodenow, 1993, p. 80). It is an important predictor of school violence, as well as related outcomes such as health risk behaviors and mental health. Connectedness reduces initial incidents of violence, buffers the effect of violence exposure, and promotes an anti-bullying culture. School violence and bullying have also been associated with a subsequent decrease in school connectedness. Several theories contribute to our understanding of these relations but the construct, theoretical underpinnings, and pathways in and out of school connectedness require further examination. Despite numerous promising interventions, this line of research is in its infancy. Interventions harnessing this protective factor may have a ubiquitous positive impact on adolescent development.

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The violence staged by young people has often been subjected to scientific analysis. The way youths speak, in their role as aggressors or as victims, is examined to determine how they experience violence in a number of different spheres. Repeated group interviews are used to analyze how violence is explained and depicted within the family, at school and in the neighbourhood by two groups of young people (14-17 years old) attending the same school on the outskirts of Rio Claro, Sao Paulo, Brazil. One of the groups involved is identified by the school as violent, and the other, as non-violent. Discourse analysis leads to two conclusions. First, the different contexts of violence infuse a mistrust of institutions, the environment and personal relationships into the subjects' experience, forming a fabric that clouds future prospects. Second, the group of youths identified as violent have a more simplistic, pessimistic view of reality: They see the world in black and white, and they lay no stock in the possibility that violence can be avoided. Consequently, they use violence and understand violence as a defensive strategy that gives one identity. On the other hand, the group identified as nonviolent feels it possible to intervene in situations with nonviolent tools like words. For the young subjects, violence is a context that they assume; it cancels their ability to identify rules and institutions, but it does not generate an effective interaction strategy. Violence causes their social microcontext (in which action prevails over meaning or meaning equals action) to assume overblown dimensions. Any intervention strategy must take into account this indissoluble unity between meaning and action.

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"NCES 2004-314."

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Students who experience high levels of anger both in and out of school are at risk of exhibiting multiple negative developmental outcomes including poor school performance, peer problems, behavioral difficulties, and concurrent emotional distress. Given this developmental trajectory, it is important for mental health professionals working within school settings to accurately identify those students manifesting anger-related problems at an early age. This chapter provides an overview of instruments designed to assess levels of anger and associated cognitive and behavioral manifestations in children and youth. Among those instruments highlighted is the Multidimensional School Anger Inventory (MSAI)specifically designed to measure anger, hostility, and aggressive behavioral expression in school settings. The role of anger assessment in developing appropriate early intervention and anger management treatment plans is also discussed.

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Objectives. School personnel who are exposed to school violence are at risk in developing post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). In Finland there have been two such events in recent years, Jokela school shooting on 7.11.2007 and Kauhajoki school shooting about a year later. The aim of the present study was to examine the presence and change in PTSD symptoms during the first year after the Jokela school shooting. A second aim was to study how the initial exposure and treatment affects the symptom levels of PTSD. There were four hypotheses: 1) The PTSD symptoms are higher for the people who were exposed to the school shooting than for the people who did not face the stressor. 2) The PTSD symptoms increase in the follow up for the people at the school which was not attacked because of the second incident brought up the memories from the Jokela school shooting. 3) Those who have greater exposure to the shooting will have higher level of PTSD symptoms at both 4 and 11 months after the shooting than those who were not directly exposed to the shooting. 4) The PTSD symptoms are reduced more in the group that starts treatment right after the traumatic event than in other groups. Methods. A sample of 24 members of Jokela school personnel were examined four months after the incident and 16 were reassessed 11 month after the incident. To study the change and level of symptoms in other schools during the same period, a group with no exposure to the shooting was used as a control group (n=22). The assessment included Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Checklist Specific (PCL-S) and a social and professional support questionnaire. In addition questions about timing of support and experiences of psychological debriefing were asked. Results and conclusions. Most participants in the study group experienced some symptoms of PTSD at both 4 and 11 months. In both measures three participants from the study group fulfilled the diagnostic criteria for PTSD. The study group and control group differed significantly in overall symptom levels. The study group had more PTSD symptoms in the first measure but in the follow-up the study group’s PTSD symptoms decreased and the control group’s increased. There was a significant change in the study groups PTSD symptom level for those who started treatment right after the traumatic event. The results from this study showed that an exposure to school shooting has long-term effects on school personnel. The findings suggest that it is crucial to plan a comprehensive and long-term treatment for school personnel in the aftermath of school shooting.

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This study presents information gathered during personal interviews in the area of challenges that administrators have faced in their careers, and the strategies they have found to be successful in meeting those challenges. This research is a qualitative study, using an inductive approach. Five participants were chosen, based on convenience sampling, with semi-structured interviews that were audio recorded. The theoretical research found that school violence and stafS'school morale were key challenges facing administrators, with a variety of approaches suggested to foster success in meeting those challenges. Some of these approaches included knowledge, team work, an ethic of care, and having a school vision. From the interviews it became clear that the challenges administrators faced included those posed by students, including disciplinary issues, those posed by adults and those posed by government changes in education. In regards to strategies for success, the interviews revealed three key concepts that were emphasized as vital. These were the assets of craft knowledge (experience), collegiality, and the use of other professional resources and educators.

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Violence has always been a part of the human experience, and therefore, a popular topic for research. It is a controversial issue, mostly because the possible sources of violent behaviour are so varied, encompassing both biological and environmental factors. However, very little disagreement is found regarding the severity of this societal problem. Most researchers agree that the number and intensity of aggressive acts among adults and children is growing. Not surprisingly, many educational policies, programs, and curricula have been developed to address this concern. The research favours programs which address the root causes of violence and seek to prevent rather than provide consequences for the undesirable behaviour. But what makes a violence prevention program effective? How should educators choose among the many curricula on the market? After reviewing the literature surrounding violence prevention programs and their effectiveness, The Second Step Violence Prevention Curriculum surfaced as unique in many ways. It was designed to address the root causes of violence in an active, student-centred way. Empathy training, anger management, interpersonal cognitive problem solving, and behavioural social skills form the basis of this program. Published in 1992, the program has been the topic of limited research, almost entirely carried out using quantitative methodologies.The purpose of this study was to understand what happens when the Second Step Violence Prevention Curriculum is implemented with a group of students and teachers. I was not seeking a statistical correlation between the frequency of violence and program delivery, as in most prior research. Rather, I wished to gain a deeper understanding of the impact ofthe program through the eyes of the participants. The Second Step Program was taught to a small, primary level, general learning disabilities class by a teacher and student teacher. Data were gathered using interviews with the teachers, personal observations, staff reports, and my own journal. Common themes across the four types of data collection emerged during the study, and these themes were isolated and explored for meaning. Findings indicate that the program does not offer a "quick fix" to this serious problem. However, several important discoveries were made. The teachers feU that the program was effective despite a lack of concrete evidence to support this claim. They used the Second Step strategies outside their actual instructional time and felt it made them better educators and disciplinarians. The students did not display a marked change in their behaviour during or after the program implementation, but they were better able to speak about their actions, the source of their aggression, and the alternatives which were available. Although they were not yet transferring their knowledge into positive action,a heightened awareness was evident. Finally, staff reports and my own journal led me to a deeper understanding ofhow perception frames reality. The perception that the program was working led everyone to feel more empowered when a violent incident occurred, and efforts were made to address the cause rather than merely to offer consequences. A general feeling that we were addressing the problem in a productive way was prevalent among the staff and students involved. The findings from this investigation have many implications for research and practice. Further study into the realm of violence prevention is greatly needed, using a balance of quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Such a serious problem can only be effectively addressed with a greater understanding of its complexities. This study also demonstrates the overall positive impact of the Second Step Violence Prevention Curriculum and, therefore, supports its continued use in our schools.

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Physical violence in Bangkok schools has been the subject of considerable public concern in recent years and yet relatively little is known about the nature of violence perpetrated by vocational college students. This study sought to understand the reasons for such violence through a series of semi-structured interviews with 32 male students. The analysis identified revenge from previous fights as a key motivation for violence. Students described a range of different responses to threats of violence, including renting safe accommodation and concealing weapons. These findings are discussed in relation to how an understanding of cross-cultural risk factors for violence is important for the development of effective prevention strategies.