996 resultados para Samuel Pufendorf


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Andrew Tooke's 1691 English translation of Samuel Pufendorf's De officio hominis et civis, published as The Whole Duty of Man According to the Law of Nature, brought Pufendorf's manual fo statist natural law into English politics at a moment of temporary equilibrium in the unfinished contest between Crown and Parliament for the rights and powers of sovereignty. Drawing on the authors' re-edition of The Whole Duty of Man, this article describes and analyses a telling instance of how--by translation--the core political terms and concepts of the German natural jurist's 'absolutist' formulary were reshaped for reception in the different political culture of late seventeenth-century England.

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O presente artigo tem como objetivo reconstruir argumentos centrais desenvolvidos por Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Contra Samuel Pufendorf, Rousseau defende que a justiça não é natural. Ele recusa todo compromisso com a lei natural tradicional para voltar à posição de Thomas Hobbes. Ora, no estado originário de natureza, os princípios racionais da lei natural que expõe Pufendorf não podem ser conhecidos, e, por conseguinte, quando puderem ser conhecidos, não serão aplicados por natureza.

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Despite his significance in early modern Germany, where he was well-known as a political and moral philosopher, jurist, lay-theologian, social and educational reformer, Christian Thomasius (1655-1728) is little known in the world of Anglophone scholarship. 1 Unlike those of his mentor, Samuel Pufendorf, none of Thomasius's works was translated into English, when, at the end of the seventeenth century, English thinkers were searching for a final settlement to the religious question. None has been translated since. Moreover, while Thomasius has been subject to increasing scholarly attention in Germany since the 1970s, where he has been treated largely as a representative of the "early Enlightenment," there is very little secondary literature on him in English. 2 Things are however beginning to change in this regard, with recent research already giving rise to important new Anglophone books and essays. 3 Knud Haakonssen's article on [End Page 595] Thomasius for the new Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy might well be a straw in the wind

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Simo Knuuttila

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Para Hugo Grotius a propriedade era originalmente coletiva, e os homens tinham, de comum acordo, decidido dividi-la, o que havia feito nascer a propriedade privada. Como a propriedade privada devia ser garantida pelo governo, ela só podia ser uma emanação deste. O problema dessa análise, para John Locke, era que ela era perfeitamente compatível com o absolutismo, pois um monarca podia garantir essa propriedade. Como Locke funda a propriedade sobre a lei natural, sua teoria da prioridade refuta, ao mesmo tempo, as teorias de Sir Robert Filmer e de Grotius e Samuel Pufendorf. A teoria da propriedade de Locke garante, por fim, a liberdade dos indivíduos.

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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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Criticism of the "Kleindeutsche tendenz" in some of its principal representatives.

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The article makes the case for redescribing Jean Barbeyrac [1674-1744], the great French translator and influential glossator of seventeenth-century Latin natural-law texts, as something quite other than a neutral mediator of Samuel Pufendorf. To consider the specific religious and political charge of his strategies as translator is to recognize the independence of Barbeyrac's Huguenot stance on natura; jurisprudence. This stance is provoked by the profound challenge that Pufendorf's radical post-Wespthalian secularizing of civil authority posed for a Huguenot: how to grant that the state had legitimate authority to regulate all external conduct, but at the same time preserve an inviolable moral space for the exercise of individual conscience. The argument--pointing to Barbeyrac's construction of a 'Lockeanized' Pufendorf--rests both on his famous presentation of Leibniz's critique of Pufendorf's De officio hominis et civis and on more neglected elements of Barbeyrac's corpus.

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The study of natural law theories is presently one of the most fruitful areas of research in the studies of early modern intellectual history, and moral and political theory. Likewise the historical significance of the Enlightenment for the development of modernisation' in many different forms continues to be the subject of controversy. This collection therefore offers a timely opportunity to re-examine both the coherence of the concept of an early Enlightenment', and the specific contribution of natural law theories to its formation. The works of major thinkers such as Grotius, Hobbes, Locke, Malebranche, Pufendorf and Thomasius are reassessed, and the appeal and importance of the discourse of natural jurisprudence both to those working inside conventional educational and political structures and to those outside - such as in the Huguenot diaspora - is evaluated. This volume will therefore be of importance to all those readers concerned to study the character of the debates in the period 1650-1750 surrounding moral and political agency, sovereignty and obligation, and the legitimation of religious toleration in the divergent states and patriotic contexts of Europe.

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