999 resultados para Rwanda (1994)


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Ce mémoire vise à comprendre les motivations des États à intervenir militairement dans un autre État pour mettre fin aux violations graves des droits de l’homme tel que le nettoyage ethnique et le génocide. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre pourquoi il y a eu une variation dans la position américaine face aux cas de génocide au Rwanda en 1994, au Kosovo en 1999 et au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. À partir d’une approche réaliste en Relations Internationales qui met l’accent sur l’intérêt national égoïste comme facteur principal explicatif du comportement des États, nous procédons à l’étude des cas de la position américaine lors de trois crises humanitaires. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre la non intervention des États-Unis lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, l’intervention américaine au Kosovo en 1999, et enfin la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. En somme, nos études de cas démontrent que c’est l’intérêt national qui motive les États d’intervenir ou de ne pas intervenir lors des cas de nettoyage ethnique ou de génocide. D’une part, lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, les États-Unis ne sont pas intervenus car l’intérêt national interprété comme le repli sur les affaires internes américaines ne serait pas maximisé par l’intervention militaire. Ensuite, l’intervention des États-Unis et de l’OTAN au Kosovo en 1999 est expliquée par l’intérêt national américain dans un contexte de l’après guerre froide d’approfondir son engagement sécuritaire en Europe et de préserver sa position hégémonique et son prestige sur la scène internationale, d’assurer la stabilité régionale et de préserver la crédibilité de l’OTAN. Finalement, l’intérêt national défini en termes de sécurité dans un contexte de la guerre au terrorisme explique la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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This article considers the significance of the first export of essential medicines under the WTO General Council Decision 2003. In July 2007, Rwanda became the first country to provide a notification under the WTO General Council Decision 2003 of its intent to import a fixed-dose, triple combination HIV/AIDS drug manufactured by the Canadian generic pharmaceuticalmanufacturer Apotex, Inc. In September 2007, Apotex was granted the first compulsory licence application under Canada's Access to Medicines Regime. This article considers the convoluted and protracted negotiations between the Government of Rwanda, Apotex and three patent holders, GlaxoSmithKline, Boehringer Ingleheim Canada and Shire BioChemical, Inc. It questions the efficiency of this process. This article considers the review of the Jean Chretien Pledge to Africa Act 2004 (Canada). It is critical of the refusal of the Conservative Government of Canada to make any amendments to the legislation to improve the cost-effective delivery of essential medicines. This article queries the proposed Hong Kong Amendment to the TRIPS Agreement 1994, given the concerns of the Africa Group. It is submitted that it is undesirable to codify the WTO General Council Decision 2003, given its failure to provide a speedy, efficient and cost-effective delivery of essential medicines.

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After the Second World War the public was shocked to learn about the horrors perpetrated. As a response to the Holocaust, the newly established United Nations adopted the Genocide Convention of 1948 to prevent future genocides and to punish the perpetrators. The Convention remained, however, almost dead letter until the present day. In 1994, the long-lasted tension between the major groups of Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda erupted in mass scale violence towards the Tutsi ethnic group. The purpose was to eradicate the Tutsi population of Rwanda. The international community did not halt the genocide. It stood by idle, failing to follow the swearing-in of the past. The United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (the ICTR) to bring to justice persons responsible for the genocide. Ever since its creation the ICTR has delivered a wealth of judgements elucidating the legal ingredients of the crime of genocide. The case law on determining the membership of national, ethnic, racial or religious groups has gradually shifted from the objective to subjective position. The membership of a group is seen as a subjective rather than objective concept. However, a totally subjective approach is not accepted. Therefore, it is necessary to determine some objective existence of a group. The provision on the underlying offences is not so difficult to interpret compared to the corresponding one on the protected groups and the mental element of genocide. The case law examined, e.g., whether there is any difference between the words killing and meurtre, the nature of mental harm caused by the perpetrator and sexual violence in the conflict. The mental element of genocide or dolus specialis of genocide is not thoroughly examined in the case law of the ICTR. In this regard, reference in made, in addition, to the case law of the other ad hoc Tribunal. The ICTR has made a significant contribution to the law of genocide and international criminal justice in general. The corpus of procedural and substantive law constitutes a basis for subsequent trials in international and hybrid tribunals. For national jurisdictions the jurisprudence on substantive law is useful while prosecuting international crimes.

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RESUMO: O Ministério da Saúde do Governo do Ruanda identifica a saúde mental como uma área de prioridade estratégica para a intervenção em resposta à alta carga dos transtornos mentais no Ruanda. Ao longo dos últimos 20 anos após o genocídio, o sector público reconstruiu sua Resposta Nacional de Saúde Mental com base no acesso equitativo aos cuidados, através do desenvolvimento de uma Política Nacional de Saúde Mental e novas estruturas de saúde mental. A política de Saúde Mental do Ruanda, revista em 2010, prima pela descentralização e integração dos serviços de saúde mental em todas as estruturas nacionais do sistema de saúde e ao nível da comunidade. O presente estudo de caso tem como objetivo avaliar a situação do sistema de saúde mental de um distrito típico de uma área rural no Ruanda, e sugerir melhorias, incluindo algumas estratégias para monitoras as mudanças. Os resultados do estudo permitirão ao Ruanda reforçar a sua capacidade para implementar o Plano Nacional de Saúde Mental ao nível dos distritos. O relatório também será útil para monitorar o progresso da implementação de serviços de saúde mental nos distritos, incluindo a prestação de serviços de base comunitária e a participação dos usuários, suas famílias e outros interessados na promoção, prevenção, assistência e reabilitação em saúde mental. Este estudo também procurou avaliar o progresso da implementação dos cuidados de saúde mental a nível descentralizado, com vista a compreender as implicações em termos de recursos desses processos. Foi realizada uma análise situacional num local do distrito, baseado em entrevistas com as principais partes interessadas responsáveis, usando o Instrumento de Avaliação de Sistemas de Saúde Mental da Organização Mundial da Saúde (WHO-AIMS). Os resultados sugerem que os recursos humanos para a saúde mental e serviços de base comunitária de saúde mental no distrito continuam a ser extremamente limitados. Os profissionais de saúde mental são adicionalmente limitados na sua capacidade para oferecer intervenções de emergência a pacientes psiquiátricos e garantir a continuidade do tratamento farmacológico a pacientes com condições crônicas. Para planejar efetivamente, de acordo com as necessidades da comunidade, sugerimos que o sistema de saúde mental deve envolver também os representantes das famílias e dos usuários no processo de planificação de modo a melhorar a sua contribuição no processo de implementação das atividades de saúde mental. Este estudo de caso do Distrito de Bugesera oferece a primeira análise de nível distrital dos serviços de saúde mental no Ruanda, e pode servir como uma mais-valia para a melhoria do sistema de saúde mental, incluindo a advocacia para a melhoria da qualidade dos cuidados de saúde mental a este nível, aumentando o financiamento para a implementação de serviços clínicos de saúde mental e os recursos humanos disponíveis para a prestação de cuidados de saúde mental, principalmente a nível dos cuidados primários.--------------------- ABSTRACT: To deal with the high burden of mental health disorders resulting from consequences of the 1994 genocide against Tutsis, the Rwanda Ministry of Health (MoH) considers mental health as a priority intervention. For the last 20 years, Ministry of Health focused on rebuilding a national and equity-oriented mental health program responding to the population needs in mental health. Mental health services are now decentralized and integrated in the national health system, from the community level up to the referral level. This study assessed the situation of mental health services in one rural district in Rwanda. It was aimed at assessing the progress of implementation of mental health care at the decentralized level, focusing on resource implications and processes. This study is based on interviews conducted with key stakeholders, using the World Health Organization's Assessment Instrument for Mental Health Systems (WHO-AIMS). Findings show that human resources for mental health care and community-based mental health services of the assessed district remain extremely limited. Mental health professionals face limitation regarding the ability to provide emergency management of psychiatric patients and to ensure continuity of psychopharmacological treatment of patients with chronic conditions. To improve the implementation process of mental health interventions and activities, a planning process based on community needs and the involvement of representatives of families and users in planning process should be considered. The Bugesera case study on the situation of mental health services can serve as a baseline for improvement of the mental health program in Rwanda, in terms of quality care services, infrastructure and equipment, human and financial resources.

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Un résumé en anglais est également disponible.

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La politique militaire de la France en Afrique est en évolution. La véracité factuelle de ce constat est désormais difficilement contestable. Ce changement s’observe d’abord dans le discours où l’on parle de plus en plus d’anciennes pratiques dépassées et reconnaît que ce qui était politiquement possible et admis il y a vingt ans ne l’est plus aujourd’hui. Ce processus s’incarne ensuite dans la modification des instruments d’action ainsi que dans les modes et les niveaux d’utilisation de ces instruments. Partant de ces considérations, le présent travail se propose d’examiner les facteurs à l’origine de cette évolution. Il part des réponses jusqu’ici proposées pour apporter un éclairage nouveau au sujet des forces et dynamiques à la base des changements annoncés ou observés. Contrairement à la littérature existante qui a jusqu’ici privilégié les approches matérialistes et utilitaristes pour expliquer les transformations entreprises et celles promises dans la politique militaire africaine de la France, cette étude propose, à l’inverse, une perspective inspirée des approches cognitives et axée sur le processus d’apprentissage. Ainsi, plutôt que de voir dans les réformes ici analysées le résultat exclusif de changements structurels ou systémiques survenus dans l’environnement économique, social ou international des États, notre analyse fera davantage valoir que cette transformation a pour l’essentiel été une adaptation faite à la lumière des leçons tirées d’expériences antérieures. Cette analyse s’appuie sur l’Advocacy Coalition Framework. Développée par Paul A Sabatier et ses collègues, il postule que la prise de décision en matière de politique publique peut être mieux comprise comme une compétition entre coalitions de cause, chacune étant constituée d’acteurs provenant d’une multitudes d’institutions (leaders de groupes d’intérêt, agences administratives, chercheurs, journalistes) qui partagent un système de croyances lié à l’action publique et qui s’engagent dans un effort concerté afin de traduire des éléments de leur système de croyances en une politique publique.

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Le Rwanda est un des pays Africains qui a le plus souffert des crises politiques depuis l’indépendance, surtout au cours de la décennie 1990-1999, culminant avec le génocide de 1994. Les conséquences de ces crises sur les variables économiques, démographiques et sanitaires sont nombreuses : baisse des revenus, augmentation de la mortalité, baisse du niveau d’instruction, diminution de la taille des femmes adultes. Cependant, grâce à une restructuration drastique de la gestion de l’Etat et à une aide internationale massive, le pays a réussi à recouvrer après l’an 2000 des tendances vertueuses, avec une augmentation des revenus, une baisse de la mortalité des enfants, et une baisse de la fécondité, quoique cette évolution soit entachée d’une forte augmentation des inégalités. Par contre la crise a laissé un impact durable sur le niveau d’instruction et sur la taille des femmes adultes, car les femmes qui n’ont pas été scolarisées ou ont été malnutries pendant la période de crise n’ont pas eu la possibilité de récupérer. L’analyse de la situation du Rwanda révèle donc ce qui est récupérable (les effets de période) et ce qui ne l’est pas (les effets de cohorte) après une crise majeure.

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L’« appropriation » par les pays en développement (PED) de leurs processus de développement forme la clef de voûte de la nouvelle approche de l’aide et de la coopération au développement telle que promue par la Déclaration de Paris (2005). Si ce passage vers l’« appropriation » vise à installer les PED « dans le siège du conducteur », il reste tout de même inscrit dans une relation d’aide. Or, la Déclaration de Paris pose cette « appropriation » comme le résultat d’un consensus et comme un principe devant être mis en oeuvre sur un terrain vierge via une série de mesures techniques préoccupées par une efficacité ou plutôt une efficience de l’aide. En s’intéressant à la perspective d’acteurs sociaux nationaux quant à cette question de l’ « appropriation » à partir d’une étude de cas c’est-à-dire d’un contexte précis, ici celui du Rwanda, cette thèse vise à démontrer que l’agenda et les politiques en matière de développement, dont la question de l’ « appropriation », ne peuvent être saisis dans un vide contextuel. En effet, ce que met en évidence la perspective des acteurs sociaux nationaux au Rwanda quant à cette question de l’ « appropriation », c’est leur réinscription de cette question dans le contexte du Rwanda post-génocide et dépendant de l’aide, et leur appréhension de celle-ci à partir de ce contexte. Ce contexte informe le récit de ces acteurs qui met en sens et en forme cette « appropriation ». Leur saisie de l’ « appropriation » se bâtit autour d’un double impératif dans le contexte du Rwanda post-génocide, un impératif d’une part de reconstruction socio-économique et d’autre part d’édification d’une nation, et ce, à la lumière des tensions ‘ethniques’ qui traversent et structurent historiquement l’espace politique et social rwandais et qui ont donné lieu au génocide de 1994.

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Las principales causas del genocidio ocurrido en Ruanda en 1994 tienen unos antecedentes marcados desde la colonización belga, en donde se agudizan las diferencias entre las dos tribus predominantes, los hutus y tutsis, debido a los intereses de los colonizadores. Además de esto, desde la década de los 90´s, diferentes potencias mundiales como Francia, Estados Unidos y Egipto, patrocinaron dicho genocidio, aportando material militar al régimen del presidente Habyarimana, bajo el cual se llevaría a cabo el genocidio. el papel desempeñado por las Naciones Unidas no fue eficiente y eficaz para detener las masacres, lo que pone en duda la efectividad de esta institución a la hora de realizar intervenciones humanitarias.

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This article seeks to compare Australia's involvement in two key 1990s peace missions: those to Somalia in 1992-93 and Rwanda in 1994-95. While there are many similarities between the two missions in terms of time, scale and theatre, the differences are more important. Both missions are usually recalled as failures despite the Australian troops having been extremely successful in their roles during both deployments. Moreover the experiences with intervention in Africa seem to have forever blighted Australian participation in peace missions on that continent.

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This study examines the social cultural factors that influence HIV/AIDS transmission among women in RWANDA and especially in RUGALIKA sector. Some of those social cultural factors we can say marriage, polygamy, early marriage, poverty, religious beliefs, lack of access to productive resources and lack of education and training. The objectives of the study were to identify the social cultural factors which influence in HIV transmission among women and the constraint of HIV/AIDS among women and to find out how those constraint can be overcome and also to identify the measures that could be take for more prevent the spread of HIV infection to the women and to the all people in general. The research contains 5chapters which are: 1st chapter: general conclusion; 2nd chapter: literature review; 3rd chapter: research methodology; 4th chapter: data analysis and interpretation and the 5th chapter is general conclusion and recommendation. This research was conducted in RUGALIKA sector which has about 2990 women aged between 21 35 years old and thus a sample of 290 women was selected in different region of RUGALIKA sector. After the interpretation of the findings; the most vulnerable group is the women aged between 31-35 years; the vulnerability is due to different factors but most of them we have: poverty issues, polygamy, lack of access to productive resources, lack of education and training, religious beliefs and we cannot forget the physiological factors. After the genocide of 1994, Rwanda has known many orphans; and in RUGALIKA sector young women and girls are often to be sexual exploited in order to survive.

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The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the historical relation between conflict and land tenure in Rwanda, a country that experienced a harsh civil war and genocide in the mid-1990s. The victory of the Tutsi-led rebel, Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) at that time triggered a massive return of refugees and a drastic change in land tenure policy. These were refugees who had fled the country at around the time of independence, in 1962, due to the political turmoil and persecution (the "social revolution") and who shared the background of the core RPF members. The social revolution had dismantled the existent Tutsi-led political order, compelling many Tutsi families to seek refuge outside their homeland. Under the post-independence rule of a Hutu-led government, the Tutsi refugees were not allowed to return and the lands they left behind were often arbitrarily distributed by local authorities among Hutu peasants. After victory in the mid-1990s civil war, the newly established RPF-led government ordered the current inhabitants of the lands to divide the properties in order to allocate portions to the Tutsi returnees. Different patterns of land holding and land division will be explained in the paper from data gathered through the authors' fieldworks in the southern and eastern parts of Rwanda. Although overt resistance to land division has not been observed to date, the land rights of the Tutsi returnees must be considered unstable because their legitimacy depends primarily on the strength and political stability of the RPF-led government. If the authority of RPF were to weaken, the land rights will be jeopardized. Throughout Rwandan history, in which political exclusion has often led to serious conflict, macro-level politics have repeatedly influenced land holding. Promotion of an inclusive democracy, therefore, is indispensable to escape the vicious circle between political instability and land rights.

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Land conflicts in Rwanda have attracted particular attention because they have both environmental and political causes. This paper attempts to shed light on the nature of land conflicts in present-day Rwanda based on popular justice records and interviews collected in two rural areas. From the analyses of these data, two types of land confl ict can be distinguished. The first type consists of those among family members. Given that land is the most important asset for ordinary rural households, its inheritance often brings about conflicts between right-holders. Those of the second type are triggered by political change. Impacts of the two national-level violent conflicts in Rwanda, the “social revolution” just before independence and the civil war in the 1990s, are of tremendous significance in this context. The military victory of the former rebels in 1994 caused a massive return of Tutsi refugees, who were officially permitted to acquire land from the original inhabitants. Although no serious protestation against this policy has occurred thus far, it has produced various land conflicts. Dealing with potential grievances among original inhabitants is an important challenge for the present government.