Harvesting the sea: the exploitation of marine resources in the Roman Mediterranean

Harvesting the Sea provides the first systematic treatment of the exploitation of various marine resources, such as large-scale fishing, fish salting, salt and purple-dye production, and oyster and fish-farming, in the Roman world and its role within the ancient economy. Bringing together literary, epigraphic, and legal sources, with a wealth of archaeological data collected in recent years, the book shows that these marine resources were an important feature of the Roman economy and, in scope and market-oriented production, paralleled phenomena taking place in the Roman agricultural economy on land. The book also examines the importance of technological innovations, the organization of labour, and the use of the existing legal framework in defence of economic interests against competitors for the same natural resource.

Globalizing Mediterranean identities: the overlapping spheres of Egyptian, Greek and Roman worlds at Trimithis

This article furthers recent gains made in applying globalization perspectives to the Roman world by exploring two Romano-Egyptian houses that used Roman material culture in different ways within the city known as Trimithis (modern day Amheida, in Egypt). In so doing, I suggest that concepts drawn from globalization theory will help us to disentangle and interpret how homogeneous Roman Mediterranean goods may appear heterogeneous on the local level. This theoretical vantage is broadly applicable to other regions in the Roman Mediterranean, as well as other environments in which individuals reflected a multifaceted relationship with their local identity and the broader social milieu.

Globalizing the Sculptural Landscapes of the Sarapis and Isis Cults in Hellenistic and Roman Greece

“Globalizing the Sculptural Landscape of Isis and Sarapis Cults in Roman Greece,” asks questions of cross-cultural exchange and viewership of sculptural assemblages set up in sanctuaries to the Egyptian gods. Focusing on cognitive dissonance, cultural imagining, and manipulations of time and space, I theorize ancient globalization as a set of loosely related processes that shifted a community's connections with place. My case studies range from the 3rd century BCE to the 2nd century CE, including sanctuaries at Rhodes, Thessaloniki, Dion, Marathon, Gortyna, and Delos. At these sites, devotees combined mainstream Greco-Roman sculptures, Egyptian imports, and locally produced imitations of Egyptian artifacts. In the last case, local sculptors represented Egyptian subjects with Greco-Roman naturalistic styles, creating an exoticized visual ideal that had both local and global resonance. My dissertation argues that the sculptural assemblages set up in Egyptian sanctuaries allowed each community to construct complex narratives about the nature of the Egyptian gods. Further, these images participated in a form of globalization that motivated local communities to adopt foreign gods and reinterpret them to suit local needs.

I begin my dissertation by examining how Isis and Sarapis were represented in Greece. My first chapter focuses on single statues of Egyptian gods, describing their iconographies and stylistic tendencies through examples from Corinth and Gortyna. By comparing Greek examples with images of Sarapis, Isis, and Harpokrates from around the Mediterranean, I demonstrate that Greek communities relied on globally available visual tropes rather than creating site or region-specific interpretations. In the next section, I examine what other sources viewers drew upon to inform their experiences of Egyptian sculpture. In Chapter 3, I survey the textual evidence for Isiac cult practice in Greece as a way to reconstruct devotees’ expectations of sculptures in sanctuary contexts. At the core of this analysis are Apuleius’ Metamorphoses and Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride, which offer a Greek perspective on the cult’s theology. These literary works rely on a tradition of aretalogical inscriptions—long hymns produced from roughly the late 4th century B.C.E. into the 4th century C.E. that describe the expansive syncretistic powers of Isis, Sarapis, and Harpokrates. This chapter argues that the textual evidence suggests that devotees may have expected their images to be especially miraculous and likely to intervene on their behalf, particularly when involved in ritual activity inside the sanctuary.

In the final two chapters, I consider sculptural programs and ritual activity in concert with sanctuary architecture. My fourth chapter focuses on sanctuaries where large amounts of sculpture were found in underground water crypts: Thessaloniki and Rhodes. These groups of statues can be connected to a particular sanctuary space, but their precise display contexts are not known. By reading these images together, I argue that local communities used these globally available images to construct new interpretations of these gods, ones that explored the complex intersections of Egyptian, Greek, and Roman identities in a globalized Mediterranean. My final chapter explores the Egyptian sanctuary at Marathon, a site where exceptional preservation allows us to study how viewers would have experienced images in architectural space. Using the Isiac visuality established in Chapter 3, I reconstruct the viewer's experience, arguing that the patron, Herodes Atticus, intended his viewer to inform his experience with the complex theology of Middle Platonism and prevailing elite attitudes about Roman imperialism.

Throughout my dissertation, I diverge from traditional approaches to culture change that center on the concepts of Romanization and identity. In order to access local experiences of globalization, I examine viewership on a micro-scale. I argue that viewers brought their concerns about culture change into dialogue with elements of cult, social status, art, and text to create new interpretations of Roman sculpture sensitive to the challenges of a highly connected Mediterranean world. In turn, these transcultural perspectives motivated Isiac devotees to create assemblages that combined elements from multiple cultures. These expansive attitudes also inspired Isiac devotees to commission exoticized images that brought together disparate cultures and styles in an eclectic manner that mirrored the haphazard way that travel brought change to the Mediterranean world. My dissertation thus offers a more theoretically rigorous way of modeling culture change in antiquity that recognizes local communities’ agency in producing their cultural landscapes, reconciling some of the problems of scale that have plagued earlier approaches to provincial Roman art.

These case studies demonstrate that cultural anxieties played a key role in how viewers experienced artistic imagery in the Hellenistic and Roman Mediterranean. This dissertation thus offers a new component in our understanding of ancient visuality, and, in turn, a better way to analyze how local communities dealt with the rise of connectivity and globalization.

Producción en masa, economía monetaria y vitalidad comercial del Mediterráneo

Se argumenta que la arqueología y la historia monetaria reúnen entre sí el potencial para proyectar una imagen de la economía romana muy diferente a la que sugieren los estereotipos minimalistas. Se discuten las implicancias de esta argumentación para el período tardoantiguo en particular, rechazando el catastrofismo con el que Rostovtzeff concluía su célebre historia del temprano imperio. En el imperio tardío la fortaleza de los intereses privados se mantuvo tan firme como siempre, en una economía caracterizada por la integración de los negocios públicos y privados antes que por un supuesto conflicto o antagonismo entre ambos. El imperio de Oriente conservó estas tendencias en forma pura, con niveles sostenidos de comercio y circulación monetaria hasta las décadas centrales del siglo VII. En este trabajo se argumenta que pensar en términos de ciclos económicos sería para los historiadores más razonable que la patología convencional de la "declinación", "decadencia", etc. Este patrón es notablemente evidente en la historia económica bizantina, marcada por abruptas fluctuaciones entre los siglos V y XII.

Producción en masa, economía monetaria y vitalidad comercial del Mediterráneo

Se argumenta que la arqueología y la historia monetaria reúnen entre sí el potencial para proyectar una imagen de la economía romana muy diferente a la que sugieren los estereotipos minimalistas. Se discuten las implicancias de esta argumentación para el período tardoantiguo en particular, rechazando el catastrofismo con el que Rostovtzeff concluía su célebre historia del temprano imperio. En el imperio tardío la fortaleza de los intereses privados se mantuvo tan firme como siempre, en una economía caracterizada por la integración de los negocios públicos y privados antes que por un supuesto conflicto o antagonismo entre ambos. El imperio de Oriente conservó estas tendencias en forma pura, con niveles sostenidos de comercio y circulación monetaria hasta las décadas centrales del siglo VII. En este trabajo se argumenta que pensar en términos de ciclos económicos sería para los historiadores más razonable que la patología convencional de la "declinación", "decadencia", etc. Este patrón es notablemente evidente en la historia económica bizantina, marcada por abruptas fluctuaciones entre los siglos V y XII.

Producción en masa, economía monetaria y vitalidad comercial del Mediterráneo

Se argumenta que la arqueología y la historia monetaria reúnen entre sí el potencial para proyectar una imagen de la economía romana muy diferente a la que sugieren los estereotipos minimalistas. Se discuten las implicancias de esta argumentación para el período tardoantiguo en particular, rechazando el catastrofismo con el que Rostovtzeff concluía su célebre historia del temprano imperio. En el imperio tardío la fortaleza de los intereses privados se mantuvo tan firme como siempre, en una economía caracterizada por la integración de los negocios públicos y privados antes que por un supuesto conflicto o antagonismo entre ambos. El imperio de Oriente conservó estas tendencias en forma pura, con niveles sostenidos de comercio y circulación monetaria hasta las décadas centrales del siglo VII. En este trabajo se argumenta que pensar en términos de ciclos económicos sería para los historiadores más razonable que la patología convencional de la "declinación", "decadencia", etc. Este patrón es notablemente evidente en la historia económica bizantina, marcada por abruptas fluctuaciones entre los siglos V y XII.

The Roman Republican Navy : from the sixth century to 167 BC

Työ käsittelee Rooman laivaston kehitystä, toimintaa ja osallistumista laajenemispolitiikkaan, jossa Rooma kasvoi kaupunkivaltiosta Välimeren hallitsijaksi. Rooma on aikaisemmissa tutkimuksissa nähty maavaltiona vailla kiinnostusta merenkulkuun. On katsottu, että ainoa merkittävä merisota Rooman historiassa on ensimmäinen puunilaissota (264-241 eKr.) ja että siinäkin roomalaiset (jotka historioitsija Polybius kuvaa vasta-alkajiksi) menestyivät Karthagoa vastaan turvautumalla laskusiltoihin, joiden avulla he saattoivat muuttaa meritaistelun maataisteluksi. Polybiuksen kuvaukseen on aina tähän asti luotettu. On katsottu että Roomalla ei ollut laivastoa ennen ensimmäistä puunilaissotaa ja että Rooma kaikissa sodissaan panosti merisodankäyntiin mahdollisimman vähän. Tämä työ pyrkii kumoamaan nämä käsitykset. Laivasto oli osallisena ja ehdottoman välttämätön kaikissa Rooman laajenemispolitiikan käänteissä. Arkeologian tiedot osoittavat, että ennen ensimmäistä puunilaissotaa Rooma kehittyi ja siitä tuli merkittävä kaupunki nimenomaan kaupankäynnin ja ulkomaisten kontaktien seurauksena. Se ei siis ollut puhdas agraarivaltio. Roomalaisilla oli laivasto jo viimeistään 500-luvulta lähtien eKr. ja sitä käytettiin Rooman laajentaessa valtaansa Italiassa. Näin ollen ensimmäisessä puunilaissodassa läntisen Välimeren herruudesta kilpaili kaksi merivaltiota, Rooma ja Karthago. Toinen puunilaissota (218-201) tunnetaan yleensä Hannibalin tulosta Alppien yli Italiaan, mutta se oli myöskin merkittävä merisota ja karthagolaiset hävisivät sen nimenomaan merellä. Rooma osallistui kilpailuun itäisen Välimeren hallinnasta ja kukisti Makedonian ja Syyrian laivastot, jotka eivät olleet mitenkään Rooman laivaston veroisia. Kaikista Rooman vastustajista Karthagolla olisi ollut suurin mahdollisuus pysäyttää Rooman laivaston voittokulu toisessa puunilaissodassa. Laivastoa käytettiin moniin eri tarkoituksiin. Suuret meritaistelut eivät ole ainoa osoitus laivastojen mukanaolosta ja merkityksestä, vaan on myös otettava huomion sotalaivojen rakenne ja toimintaedellytykset. Sotalaivat oli rakennettu taisteluita varten ja niissä oli hyvin niukasti säilytystilaa. Niiden oli päästävä laskemaan maihin aina kun miehistö tarvitsi vettä, ruokaa ja lepoa. Laivastot saattoivat toimia vain niiden rannikoiden tuntumassa, joiden satamiin ja laskupaikkoihin niillä oli turvallinen pääsy. Roomalaiset olivat hyvin tietoisia tästä. Suuret merentakaiset sotaretket Afrikkaan, Espanjaan, Kreikkaan ja Vähän-Aasian rannikolle perustuivat kaikki siihen, että Rooman laivasto hallitsi purjehdusreittejä ja sopivia laskupaikkoja ja saattoi huolehtia joukkojen ja varusteiden kuljettamisesta kaukana taisteleville armeijoille. Samalla Rooman laivasto kävi itsenäistä sotaa merellä ja haastoi ja kukisti kaikki Välimeren merivaltiot. 130-luvulle eKr. tultaessa se oli lyönyt vihollisensa ja riisunut aseista liittolaisensa; Rooman laivasto hallitsi Välimerta yksin.

Dancing and Professional Dancers in Roman Egypt

The main aim of the study is to create a many-sided view of dancing in Roman Egypt (1st - early 4th centuries AD) and especially of the dancers who earned their living by dancing as hired performers. Even though dancers and other performers played a central part in many kinds of festivities throughout the ancient world, research on ancient professional dancers is rare and tends to rest on the ancient literature, which reflects the opinions of the elite. Documentary written sources (i.e., papyri, ostraka) the core of the present study are mentioned rather superficially, easily resulting in a stereotypical view of the dancers. This study will balance the picture of professional dancers in antiquity and of ancient dancing in a more general sense. The second aim characterizes this study as basic research: to provide a corpus of written sources from Greco-Roman Egypt on dancing and to discuss pictorial sources contemporary with the texts. The study also takes into account the theoretical discussion that centres on dancing as a nonverbal communicative mode. Dancers are seen as significant conveyors of social and cultural matters. This study shows that dancers were hired to perform especially in religious contexts, where the local associations on the village level also played an important part as the employers of the performers. These performers had a better standard of living in economic terms than the average hired worker, and dancers were better paid than other performers. In the Egyptian villages and towns, where the dancers performed and lived, the dancers do not seem to have been marginal because they were professionals or because of some ethnic or social background. However, their possible marginality may have occurred for reasons related to the practicalities of their profession (e.g., the itinerant life style). The oriental background of performers was a literary topos reflecting partly the situation in the centres of the empire, especially Rome, where many performers were of other than Roman origin. The connection of dancing, prostitution and slavery reflects the essential link between dance, body and gender: dancers are equated with such professions or socio-legal statuses where the body is the focus of attention, a commodity and a source of sensual pleasure; this dimension is clearly observable in ancient literature. According to the Egyptian documentary sources, there is no watertight evidence that professional dancers would have been engaged in prostitution and very little, if any, evidence that the disapproval of the professional dancers expressed by the ancient authors was shared by the Egyptians. From the 4th century onwards the dancers almost disappear from the documentary sources, reflecting the political and religious changes in the Mediterranean east.

New Perspectives on the Roman Coinage on the Eastern Limes in the Late Republican and Roman Imperial Period

The Ph.D. thesis discusses the monetary development in Roman Syria and Judaea in the Late Republican and the Early Imperial Period, from a numismatic, archaeological and historical point of view. In effect, the work focuses on the 1st century B.C. to the 1st century A.D., that is, the assumed time of introduction of Roman denarii to the region. The work benefits from the silver coin hoards of Khirbet Qumran recently published by the author. Though discovered as early as 1955 at Qumran, where the famous Dead Sea Scrolls had been found prior to that in 1947, most hoards remained unpublished until 2007. A second important source utilized is the so-called Tax Law from Palmyra in Syria. Its significance lies in the fact that Palmyra used to be one of the most important cities on the Silk Road, along which luxury goods were transported into the Roman Empire and Rome itself. During the research conducted, studies of the provincial coinage of Judaea (A.D. 6-66) shed new light on the authority of the Roman governors in economic and monetary matters in eastern Mediterranean regions. Furthermore, a new suggestion as to the length of the mandate period of Pontius Pilate is made. The extent of Emperor Augustus monetary reforms as well as the military history of Judaea are discussed in the light of new analytical studies, which show that the production of Roman base metal coins appears to have been a highly controlled process, contrary to popular opinion. Statistical calculations related to the coin alloy revealed striking similarities with Roman and other local metalwork found in Israel; a fact previously unknown. Results indicate that both Roman and local metalwork consisted of outstandingly systematized practises and may have exploited the same metal sources. Information: Kenneth Lönnqvist (*25.7.1962) has studied at the University of Helsinki since 1981. Furthermore, Lönnqvist has lived in the Mediterranean countries and the Near East, and made research there at various scientific institutions and universities for ca. 7 years. Contact and sales of thesis: kenneth.lonnqvist@helsinki.fi

Models, moulds and mass production: the mechanics of stylistic influence form the Mediterranean to Bactria

Classical Greek and Roman influence on the material culture of Central Asia and northwestern India is often considered in the abstract. This article attempts to examine the mechanisms of craft production and movement of artisans and objects which made such influence possible, through four case studies: (1) Mould-made ceramics in Hellenistic eastern Bactria; (2) Plaster casts used in the production of metalware from Begram; (3) Terracotta figurines and the moulds used to produce them, from various archaeological sites; and (4) Mass production of identical gold adornments in the nomadic tombs from Tillya Tepe. The implications of such techniques for our understanding of the development of Gandhāran art are also discussed.

High-resolution stratigraphy of Central and Southern Adriatic Quaternary deposits of sub-Milankovian climate change on Mediterranean circulation

This volume is a collection of the work done in a three years-lasting PhD, focused in the analysis of Central and Southern Adriatic marine sediments, deriving from the collection of a borehole and many cores, achieved thanks to the good seismic-stratigraphic knowledge of the study area. The work was made out within European projects EC-EURODELTA (coordinated by Fabio Trincardi, ISMAR-CNR), EC-EUROSTRATAFORM (coordinated by Phil P. E. Weaver, NOC, UK), and PROMESS1 (coordinated by Serge Bernè, IFREMER, France). The analysed sedimentary successions presented highly expanded stratigraphic intervals, particularly for the last 400 kyr, 60 kyr and 6 kyr BP. These three different time-intervals resulted in a tri-partition of the PhD thesis. The study consisted of the analysis of planktic and benthic foraminifers’ assemblages (more than 560 samples analysed), as well as in preparing the material for oxygen and carbon stable isotope analyses, and interpreting and discussing the obtained dataset. The chronologic framework of the last 400 kyr was achieved for borehole PRAD1-2 (within the work-package WP6 of PROMESS1 project), collected in 186.5 m water depth. The proposed chronology derives from a multi-disciplinary approach, consisting of the integration of numerous and independent proxies, some of which analysed by other specialists within the project. The final framework based on: micropaleontology (calcareous nannofossils and foraminifers’ bioevents), climatic cyclicity (foraminifers’ assemblages), geochemistry (oxygen stable isotope, made out on planktic and benthic records), paleomagnetism, radiometric ages (14C AMS), teprhochronology, identification of sapropel-equivalent levels (Se). It’s worth to note the good consistency between the oxygen stable isotope curve obtained for borehole PRAD1-2 and other deeper Mediterranean records. The studied proxies allowed the recognition of all the isotopic intervals from MIS10 to MIS1 in PRAD1-2 record, and the base of the borehole has been ascribed to the early MIS11. Glacial and interglacial intervals identified in the Central Adriatic record have been analysed in detail for the paleo-environmental reconstruction, as well. For instance, glacial stages MIS6, MIS8 and MIS10 present peculiar foraminifers’ assemblages, composed by benthic species typical of polar regions and no longer living in the Central Adriatic nowadays. Moreover, a deepening trend in the paleo-bathymetry during glacial intervals was observed, from MIS10 (inner-shelf environment) to MIS4 (mid-shelf environment).Ten sapropel-equivalent levels have been recognised in PRAD1-2 Central Adriatic record. They showed different planktic foraminifers’ assemblages, which allowed the first distinction of events occurred during warm-climate (Se5, Se7), cold-climate (Se4, Se6 and Se8) and temperate-intermediate-climate (Se1, Se3, Se9, Se’, Se10) conditions, consistently with literature. Cold-climate sapropel equivalents are characterised by the absence of an oligotrophic phase, whereas warm-temeprate-climate sapropel equivalents present both the oligotrophic and the eutrophic phases (except for Se1). Sea floor conditions vary, according to benthic foraminifers’ assemblages, from relatively well oxygenated (Se1, Se3), to dysoxic (Se9, Se’, Se10), to highly dysoxic (Se4, Se6, Se8) to events during which benthic foraminifers are absent (Se5, Se7). These two latter levels are also characterised by the lamination of the sediment, feature never observed in literature in such shallow records. The enhanced stratification of the water column during the events Se8, Se7, Se6, Se5, Se4, and the concurring strong dilution of shallow water, pointed out by the isotope record, lead to the hypothesis of a period of intense precipitation in the Central Adriatic region, possibly due to a northward shift of the African Monsoon. Finally, the expression of Central Adriatic PRAD1-2 Se5 equivalent was compared with the same event, as registered in other Eastern Mediterranean areas. The sequence of substantially the same planktic foraminifers’ bioevents has been consistently recognised, indicating a similar evolution of the water column all over the Eastern Mediterranean; yet, the synchronism of these events cannot be demonstrated. A high resolution analysis of late Holocene (last 6000 years BP) climate change was carried out for the Adriatic area, through the recognition of planktic and benthic foraminifers’ bioevents. In particular, peaks of planktic Globigerinoides sacculifer (four during the last 5500 years BP in the most expanded core) have been interpreted, based on the ecological requirements of this species, as warm-climate, arid intervals, correspondent to periods of relative climatic optimum, such as, for instance, the Medieval Warm Period, the Roman Age, the Late Bronze Age and the Copper Age. Consequently, the minima in the abundance of this biomarker could correspond to relatively cooler and more rainy periods. These conclusions are in good agreement with the isotopic and the pollen data. The Last Occurrence (LO) of G. sacculifer has been dated in this work at an average age of 550 years BP, and it is the best bioevent approximating the base of the Little Ice Age in the Adriatic. Recent literature reports the same bioevent in the Levantine Basin, showing a rather consistent age. Therefore, the LO of G. sacculifer has the potential to be extended to all the Eastern Mediterranean. Within the Little Ice Age, benthic foraminifer V. complanata shows two distinct peaks in the shallower Adriatic cores analysed, collected hundred kilometres apart, inside the mud belt environment. Based on the ecological requirements of this species, these two peaks have been interpreted as the more intense (cold and rainy) oscillations inside the LIA. The chronologic framework of the analysed cores is robust, being based on several range-finding 14C AMS ages, on estimates of the secular variation of the magnetic field, on geochemical estimates of the activity depth of 210Pb short-lived radionuclide (for the core-top ages), and is in good agreement with tephrochronologic, pollen and foraminiferal data. The intra-holocenic climate oscillations find out in the Adriatic have been compared with those pointed out in literature from other records of the Northern Hemisphere, and the chronologic constraint seems quite good. Finally, the sedimentary successions analysed allowed the review and the update of the foraminifers’ ecobiostratigraphy available from literature for the Adriatic region, thanks to the achievement of 16 ecobiozones for the last 60 kyr BP. Some bioevents are restricted to the Central Adriatic (for instance the LO of benthic Hyalinea balthica , approximating the MIS3/MIS2 boundary), others occur all over the Adriatic basin (for instance the LO of planktic Globorotalia inflata during MIS3, individuating Dansgaard-Oeschger cycle 8 (Denekamp)).

Human–climate interactions in the central Mediterranean region during the last millennia: The laminated record of Lake Butrint (Albania)

Lake Butrint (39°47 N, 20°1 E) is a ca. 21 m deep, coastal lagoon located in SW Albania where finely-laminated sediments have been continuously deposited during the last millennia. The multi-proxy analysis (sedimentology, high-resolution elemental geochemistry and pollen) of a 12 m long sediment core, supported by seven AMS radiocarbon dates and 137Cs dating, enable a precise reconstruction of the environmental change that occurred in the central Mediterranean region during the last ∼4.5 cal kyrs BP. Sediments consist of triplets of authigenic carbonates, organic matter and clayey laminae. Fluctuations in the thickness and/or presence of these different types of seasonal laminae indicate variations in water salinity, organic productivity and runoff in the lake's catchment, as a result of the complex interplay of tectonics, anthropogenic forcing and climate variability. The progradation of the Pavllo river delta, favoured by variable human activity from the nearby ancient city of Butrint, led to the progressive isolation of this hydrological system from the Ionian Sea. The system evolved from an open bay to a restricted lagoon, which is consistent with archaeological data. An abrupt increase in mass-wasting activity between 1515 and 1450 BC, likely caused by nearby seismic activity, led to the accumulation of 24 homogenites, up to 17 cm thick. They have been deposited during the onset of finely laminated sedimentation, which indicates restricted, anoxic bottom water conditions and higher salinity. Periods of maximum water salinity, biological productivity, and carbonate precipitation coincide with warmer intervals, such as the early Roman Warm Period (RWP) (500 BC–0 AD), the Medieval Climate Anomaly (MCA) (800–1400 AD) and recent times (after 1800 AD). Conversely, lower salinity and more oxic conditions, with higher clastic input were recorded during 1400–500 BC, the Late Roman and the Early Medieval periods (0–800 AD) and during the Little Ice Age (1400–1800 AD). Hydrological fluctuations recorded in Butrint are in phase with most central and western Mediterranean records and correlate with NAO variability. In contrast, opposite hydrological patterns have been recorded in the Eastern Balkans and the Levant during the last millennium, emphasizing a complex spatial variability in the region. Phases of maximum settlement intensity in Butrint (Roman-Late Antique) coincide with warmer and/or stable climate periods (0–800 AD and MCA, respectively), indicating a long-term influence of climatic conditions on human activities. The Late Holocene sedimentary record of Lake Butrint demonstrates the complex interplay of climate variability, tectonics and human impact in the recent evolution of coastal Mediterranean regions.

Researching in ancient engineering physical and chemical analysis in hidraulic roman mortars

Around ten years ago investigation of technical and material construction in Ancient Roma has advanced in favour to obtain positive results. This process has been directed to obtaining some dates based in chemical composition, also action and reaction of materials against meteorological assaults or post depositional displacements. Plenty of these dates should be interpreted as a result of deterioration and damage in concrete material made in one landscape with some kind of meteorological characteristics. Concrete mixture like calcium and gypsum mortars should be analysed in laboratory test programs, and not only with descriptions based in reference books of Strabo, Pliny the Elder or Vitruvius. Roman manufacture was determined by weather condition, landscape, natural resources and of course, economic situation of the owner. In any case we must research the work in every facts of construction. On the one hand, thanks to chemical techniques like X-ray diffraction and Optical microscopy, we could know the granular disposition of mixture. On the other hand if we develop physical and mechanical techniques like compressive strength, capillary absorption on contact or water behaviour, we could know the reactions in binder and aggregates against weather effects. However we must be capable of interpret these results. Last year many analyses developed in archaeological sites in Spain has contributed to obtain different point of view, so has provide new dates to manage one method to continue the investigation of roman mortars. If we developed chemical and physical analysis in roman mortars at the same time, and we are capable to interpret the construction and the resources used, we achieve to understand the process of construction, the date and also the way of restoration in future.

Salted-Fish industry in Roman Lusitania: Trade Memories between Oceanus and Mare Nostrum

Initiated by Augustus, Rome’s Atlantic policy seems to have been consolidated in the age of Claudius, with the acknowledgement of the economic potential offered by the Atlantic region. It is in this context that we must understand the development of the salted-fish industry in Lusitania. In the same geographical contexts, and in close relationship with fish-processing factories, are known about 20 pottery centres producing amphorae, located in the regions of Peniche, Sado and Tejo valleys, and the coasts of Alentejo and Algarve. This production extended in time beyond the end of the Western Roman Empire and up to the end of the 5th and 6th centuries, according to the archaeological data of some amphora kilns and fish-processing sites. The identification of Lusitanian amphorae in distant consuming centres and several shipwrecks in the Mediterranean basin confirm the long-distance commerce and the total integration of this “peripheral” region into the trade routes of the Roman Empire.