960 resultados para Racial Prejudice


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Dehumanizing ideologies that explicitly liken other humans to “inferior” animals can have negative consequences for intergroup attitudes and relations. Surprisingly, very little is known about the causes of dehumanization, and essentially no research has examined strategies for reducing dehumanizing tendencies. The Interspecies Model of Prejudice specifies that animalistic dehumanization may be rooted in basic hierarchical beliefs regarding human superiority over animals. This theoretical reasoning suggests that narrowing the human-animal divide should also reduce dehumanization. The purpose of the present dissertation, therefore, was to gain a more complete understanding of the predictors of and solutions to dehumanization by examining the Interspecies Model of Prejudice, first from a layperson’s perspective and then among young children. In Study 1, laypeople strongly rejected the human-animal divide as a probable cause of, or solution to, dehumanization, despite evidence that their own personal beliefs in the human-animal divide positively predicted their dehumanization (and prejudice) scores. From Study 1, it was concluded that the human-animal divide, despite being a robust empirical predictor of dehumanization, is largely unrecognized as a probable cause of, or solution to, dehumanization by non-experts in the psychology of prejudice. Studies 2 and 3 explored the expression of dehumanization, as well as the Interspecies Model of Prejudice, among children ages six to ten years (Studies 2 and 3) and parents (Study 3). Across both studies, White children showed evidence of racial dehumanization by attributing a Black child target fewer “uniquely human” characteristics than the White child target, representing the first systematic evidence of racial dehumanization among children. In Study 3, path analyses supported the Interspecies Model of Prejudice among children. Specifically, children’s beliefs in the human-animal divide predicted greater racial prejudice, an effect explained by heightened racial dehumanization. Moreover, parents’ Social Dominance Orientation (preference for social hierarchy and inequality) positively predicted children’s human-animal divide beliefs. Critically, these effects remained significant even after controlling for established predictors of child-prejudice (i.e., parent prejudice, authoritarian parenting, and social-cognitive skills) and relevant child demographics (i.e., age and sex). Similar patterns emerged among parent participants, further supporting the Interspecies Model of Prejudice. Encouragingly, children reported narrower human-animal divide perceptions after being exposed to an experimental prime (versus control) that highlighted the similarities among humans and animals. Together the three studies reported in this dissertation offer important and novel contributions to the dehumanization and prejudice literature. Not only did we find the first systematic evidence of racial dehumanization among children, we established the human-animal divide as a meaningful dehumanization precursor. Moreover, empirical support was obtained for the Interspecies Model of Prejudice among diverse samples including university students (Study 1), children (Studies 2 and 3), and adult-aged samples (Study 3). Importantly, each study also highlights the promising social implication of targeting the human-animal divide in interventions to reduce dehumanization and other prejudicial processes.

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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in the context of predominantly white institutions. In this paper concepts such as projection, projective identification, splitting, scapegoating, superiority and denial will be employed to illustrate why racial prejudice is a deeply-rooted collective psychological disorder that affects even educated mental health practitioners. Clinicians have an ethical responsibility to demonstrate cultural sensitivity and empathy when working with minority clients, colleagues, staff and students, to examine and root out their own prejudices, and to encourage others to do the same.

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Knowles, Persico, and Todd (2001) develop a model of police search and offender behavior. Their model implies that if police are unprejudiced the rate of guilt should not vary across groups. Using data from Interstate 95 in Maryland, they find equal guilt rates for African-Americans and whites and conclude that the data is not consistent with racial prejudice against African-Americans. This paper generalizes the model of Knowles, Persico, and Todd by accounting for the fact that potential offenders are frequently not observed by the police and by including two different levels of offense severity. The paper shows that for African-American males the data is consistent with prejudice against African-American males, no prejudice, and reverse discrimination depending on the form of equilibria that exists in the economy. Additional analyses based on stratification by type of vehicle and time of day were conducted, but did not shed any light on the form of equilibria that best represents the situation in Maryland during the sample period.

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An experiment was conducted to examine the impact of homophobic attitudes and situational norms for helping on discriminatory behavior against a gay male. In a partial replication of Frey and Gaertner (1986), participants were asked to provide help to a confederate portrayed to be either gay or heterosexual who either requested help for himself (ambiguous situational norm) or for whom a third party requested help (unambiguous situational norm). Participants' levels of homophobia were assessed either before or after the main helping task. The results indicated that when norms for helping were ambiguous those participants higher in homophobia discriminated against the gay male, but only on subtle indicators of discrimination. In the unambiguous norm condition, participants higher in homophobia discriminated against the heterosexual male. Those lower in homophobia did not discriminate under either norm condition. The results show that it may be sufficient for those with prejudiced attitudes just to believe that it is not the wrong thing to do for their attitudes to be translated into some form of discriminatory behavior.

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L’intégration des nouveaux immigrants pose un défi, et ce, particulièrement dans les nations infra-étatiques. En effet, les citoyens vivant dans ces contextes ont davantage tendance à percevoir les immigrants comme de potentielles menaces politiques et culturelles. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires ne représentent pas tous le même degré de menace. Cette étude cherche à déterminer si les citoyens francophones québécois perçoivent différemment les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires, et s’ils entretiennent des attitudes plus négatives envers ces groupes, comparativement aux autres Canadiens. Dans la mesure où ces attitudes négatives existent, l’étude cherche à comprendre si ces dernières sont basées principalement sur des préjugés raciaux ou sur des inquiétudes culturelles. Se fondant sur des données nationales et provinciales, les résultats démontrent que les francophones Québécois sont plus négatifs envers les minorités religieuses que les autres canadiens mais pas envers les minorités raciales, et que ces attitudes négatives sont fondées principalement sur une inquiétude liée la laïcité et à la sécurité culturelle. L’antipathie envers certaines minorités observée au sein de la majorité francophone au Québec semble donc être dirigée envers des groupes spécifiques, et se fondent sur des principes de nature davantage culturelle que raciale.

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L’intégration des nouveaux immigrants pose un défi, et ce, particulièrement dans les nations infra-étatiques. En effet, les citoyens vivant dans ces contextes ont davantage tendance à percevoir les immigrants comme de potentielles menaces politiques et culturelles. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires ne représentent pas tous le même degré de menace. Cette étude cherche à déterminer si les citoyens francophones québécois perçoivent différemment les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires, et s’ils entretiennent des attitudes plus négatives envers ces groupes, comparativement aux autres Canadiens. Dans la mesure où ces attitudes négatives existent, l’étude cherche à comprendre si ces dernières sont basées principalement sur des préjugés raciaux ou sur des inquiétudes culturelles. Se fondant sur des données nationales et provinciales, les résultats démontrent que les francophones Québécois sont plus négatifs envers les minorités religieuses que les autres canadiens mais pas envers les minorités raciales, et que ces attitudes négatives sont fondées principalement sur une inquiétude liée la laïcité et à la sécurité culturelle. L’antipathie envers certaines minorités observée au sein de la majorité francophone au Québec semble donc être dirigée envers des groupes spécifiques, et se fondent sur des principes de nature davantage culturelle que raciale.

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This thesis researched how the anthropological claims of the Aborigines as a 'doomed race' in the decades between 1850 and 1870 became embedded and manifested in pervasive ideologies forming the racist protectionist policies framed in Queensland's Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act - 1897. Administering the Act was the government appointed Chief Protector of Aboriginals. Conferred with extraordinary powers, Chief Protectors acted and made decisions on behalf of successive governments who displayed little interest in Aboriginal affairs. Amendments to the Act between 1897 and 1939 reflected personal agendas and attitudes towards Aborigines by respective Chief Protectors. Conclusively, the research outcomes show that the 'doomed race' theory became a subterfuge for governments to mask society's racial prejudice against Indigenous peoples and allowed governments to dispossess the Indigenous people of their traditional lands without question from white settlers.

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No ano de 1923, o Clube de Regatas Vasco da Gama disputa pela primeira vez a Primeira Divisão do Campeonato Carioca de Futebol. A equipe conquista o título tendo, entre seus jogadores, homens negros e mulatos. Com vitórias expressivas, aquela trajetória passa a ocupar um lugar importante no imaginário construído sobre as primeiras décadas do futebol brasileiro. Toda esta construção está fundamentada na obra de Mario Filho, O Negro no Futebol Brasileiro. O livro relata o feito vascaíno como uma trajetória heróica, na qual um time formado por negros e mulatos precisou superar preconceitos raciais para alcançar seus objetivos. A proposta desta pesquisa é comparar a narrativa de Mario Filho com o que foi escrito nos jornais da época. O objetivo é verificar se há mais incoerências ou coincidências entre o que Mario Filho escreveu e o que os jornais noticiaram. Ao retomar os jornais da década de 1920, verificamos como a imprensa enxergava o acontecimento à época e, se o preconceito racial estava presente nas páginas dos jornais, assim como nos faz crer a obra de Mario Filho. A comparação revelou que, em alguns momentos, a narrativa de Mario Filho encontra respaldo integral nas notícias publicadas no ano de 1923. No entanto, em outras oportunidades o autor não encontra nenhum respaldo nas outras fontes consultadas.

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Nesta tese analisamos os discursos e as práticas dos grupos e pessoas que compõem o movimento negro no processo de construção de uma identidade social no Brasil contemporâneo. O movimento negro brasileiro, a exemplo do que acontece com outros movimentos sociais gerados na modernidade ocidental, instrumentaliza um constructo de identidade social específica dentro do espaço público como forma de pleitear reparações pelos danos causados pela escravidão e ações de inclusão da população afrodescendente na sociedade como cidadãos com direitos iguais. Além de fontes bibliográficas, nossa metodologia se baseou na realização de entrevistas com militantes, participação em reuniões e eventos, análise de comentários postados em comunidades virtuais, de depoimentos de histórias de vida, bem como de publicações diversas associadas ao movimento negro. A análise das narrativas e práticas do movimento negro nos remeteu à pesquisa acerca da historiografia e das teorias sobre a escravidão no Brasil, sobre a inserção do negro na sociedade brasileira e, especialmente, sobre os elementos de formação identitária do militante negro. Concluímos indicando o caráter contraditório dos processos de formação identitária e das demandas políticas do movimento negro que se mobiliza a favor da igualdade de todos os cidadãos brasileiros sem discriminação racial, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, divide a população entre negros (nós, oprimidos, portanto aptos a receberem reparações) e brancos (eles, privilegiados), gerando parâmetros de inclusão de cunho racial contra os quais a luta contra o racismo historicamente se opôs. Se por um lado, o movimento negro coloca em cena a discussão sobre o preconceito racial no Brasil, tema fundamental para mudar a situação socioeconômica desfavorável da população negra, por outro lado, o radicalismo de suas ações afasta aqueles que não sejam totalmente favoráveis à sua visão de luta contra o racismo e a exclusão social. Os debates atuais opõem as lideranças e os simpatizantes do movimento negro favoráveis a políticas de inserção social pautadas por parâmetros raciais e aqueles que alertam para o perigo de leis raciais em um país miscigenado, defendendo que as políticas de inclusão devem ser edificadas por parâmetros socioeconômicos.

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Although the past two decades have seen concrete attempts to reduce ethnic and racial prejudice, relatively little has been done to diminish age related prejudice. In this paper, we review intergenerational contact interventions have been applied in a real world setting, the results are mixed. While contact interventions are not a panacea, they do constitute a main plank in efforts to redress ageism. We, therefore, examine the types of interventions that are effective, the processes underlying their enhanced impact, and clarifying when and how intergenerational contact can predict more positive attitudes towards the elderly. Finally, we highlight ways in which findings might be applied to the development of more effective interventions aimed at combating a pervasive stereotype of aging, drawing out lessons for theory and implications for practice.

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A questão central desta pesquisa foi analisar a concepção de seis professores e 100 estudantes de uma escola da rede Estadual de ensino de Pernambuco situada na Região do Agreste Meridional do Estado sobre o papel da história e cultura afro-brasileira e africana como instrumento de combate ao preconceito étnico-racial na escola. Para tanto, elencamos o estudo bibliográfico do período XIX ao XXI referente ao racismo no Brasil, o currículo escolar, a proposta da lei 10.639/03. O processo investigativo foi realizado com entrevista aos professores do Ensino Médio, aplicação de questionário aos estudantes na faixa etária entre 16 e 19 anos, foi utilizada a metodologia qualiquantitativa. Sendo a análise do discurso e o programa SPSS 13.0 utilizado nas tabelas e gráficos, observamos a percepção de professores e alunos no que tange a história e cultura afro-brasileira e africana e do preconceito racial apontados pelos professores e seus estudantes. Observamos que há a carência de uma formação acadêmica referente a Lei 10.639/03 para que estes profissionais consigam perceber atitudes de preconceito racial em suas salas de aula e tenham subsídios para construírem atividades pedagógicas voltadas para a desconstrução do preconceito racial e possam imprimir na cotidianidade escolar projetos e atividades que favoreçam o reconhecimento e a valorização da cultura de ancestralidade africana e afro-brasileira.

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Race has played an important part in US presidential politics in contemporary history. Different political parties and candidates have followed covert strategies playing on the prejudices of white voters both cognitively and emotionally by linking racerelated issues to the majority's individual and group interests. This elite discourse carried to the public by the mainstream media, along with media's practices of stereotyping, priming, framing and agenda setting, help to justify racial prejudice, discrimination against minorities and their marginalized status, while maintaining the status quo. Taking the social constructionist position, this case study examines the opinions expressed by a sample of undecided voters selected from different geographic locations at various stages of the 1992 US presidential campaign under the themes 'Candidates' racial prejudice' and 'Race is used as political strategy by candidates.'

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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)