Democracia Possível: espaços institucionais, participação social e cultura política

The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel´s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It´s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject

Políticas públicas de atendimento à criança: desafio da ação articulada no Projeto Belém Criança (2001-2004)

Public politics of Service to the Child: The Challenge of the Action Articulated in the Project Belém Criança (2001-2004) if it constitutes in a study on the politics directed toward the children of 0 the 6 years. It has as objective to analyze the configuration of the politics of integral attention to the child, evidencing the form as the same ones they had been redimensioned by the neoliberal ideas and by the lines of direction of the international organisms. The work has like empiric reference the project Belém Criança, developed by county of Belém from a partnership with the Deep of United Nations for Infancy (UNICEF), in the period of 2001 and 2004. The project intends to develop an articulated action among the several county departments which offer assistance to the children looking for to rationalize the resources and to optimize the services. Amongst the methodological procedures that materialized the research distinguished: The bibliographical review and documental allowed to analyze the contextualization of the public politics and, between them, the social politics of attendance to the child; the historical revolution this attendance; the paper of the UNICEF how articulator of the politics in municipal scope; and the paper of county how executer these politics. Still it was utilized, the half-structuralized interview, Having like subjects: the representative of the UNICEF in Belém, the municipal co-managers and actors of community in which the project was implemented. The result of the analyzes review that, historically, the politics destined to the child they had been being dimensioned having like support the fight of social movements vindictive for publics politic which guarantee the fundamentals rights these citizen. Although legal dimension of current politics of attendance to the child, to assume a vision of completeness and the guarantee of the rights, it still has a great exaggeration between the speech and the practical one. Actually, the same one are elaborate inside the neoliberal optics, with ruled actions by the beginning in combat to the poverty, implanted with low costs and with practice which to lead to the excessive fragmentation, generating inadequate actions and punctual programs which don t guarantee the social quality of the attendance. This perspective was evidenced to the most of the actors which the Project Belém Criança don t constitute itself a real public politic toward the child of 0 the 6 years, although present innovating aspects, how the mobilization and participation. It was demonstrated yet, in the participant s depositions of the research, that the bureau had numberless of difficulty to develop the action preview in the project, it has seen the great complexity of articulation between the several organism responsible by politics of attendance

Acolhimento institucional em tempos de mudança: uma questão em análise

Pós-graduação em Psicologia - FCLAS

Gestión del ordenamiento territorial en América Latina : desarrollo recientes

Las principales conclusiones del estudio realizado entre los años 2001 y 2002 sobre las políticas de ordenamiento territorial que desde comienzos de los años ochenta del siglo pasado se desarrollaban en los países de América Latina muestran que hacia el año 2002 las políticas latinoamericanas de Ordenamiento Territorial (OT) se encontraban en un estado incipiente. A través del análisis de los casos de países como Argentina, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Uruguay, México y Colombia se puede observar la complejidad de la gestión territorial en América Latina y los desafíos que enfrenta. Frente a esto es necesaria una apuesta territorial integral hacia un modelo de desarrollo en el que la política económica (global), las políticas sectoriales y las territoriales confluyan en la búsqueda de un nuevo orden territorial regionalmente armónico y equilibrado, socialmente justo y democrático, descentralizado, ambientalmente sostenible y económicamente competitivo, pero entendiendo dicha competitividad sin detrimento de los derechos sociales, ambientales y económicos de los ciudadanos. Es posible que bajo la lógica perversa de la economía de mercado esto sea una utopía, pero es lo único que le da sentido y significado socialmente aceptable a las políticas de desarrollo y ordenamiento territorial.

Do Institutional Participatory Projects Contribute to the Development of Political Capabilities?

Participation usually sets off from the bottom up, taking the form of more or less enduring forms of collective action with varying degrees of infl uence. However, a number of projects have been launched by political institutions in the last decades with a view to engaging citizens in public affairs and developing their democratic habits, as well as those of the administration. This paper analyses the political qualifying capacity of the said projects, i.e. whether participating in them qualifi es individuals to behave as active citizens; whether these projects foster greater orientation towards public matters, intensify (or create) political will, and provide the necessary skills and expertise to master this will. To answer these questions, data from the comparative analysis of fi ve participatory projects in France and Spain are used, shedding light on which features of these participatory projects contribute to the formation of political subjects and in which way. Finally, in order to better understand this formative dimension, the formative capacity of institutional projects is compared with the formative dimension of other forms of participation spontaneously developed by citizens.

Narrative Deliberation? On Storytelling as a Necessary Component of Public Deliberation

This paper deals with the place of narrative, that is, storytelling, in public deliberation. A distinction is made between weak and strong conceptions of narrative. According to the weak one, storytelling is but one rhetorical device among others with which social actors produce and convey meaning. In contrast, the strong conception holds that narrative is necessary to communicate, and argue, about topics such as the human experience of time, collective identities and the moral and ethical validity of values. The upshot of this idea is that storytelling should be a necessary component of any ideal of public deliberation. Contrary to recent work by deliberative theorists, who tend to adopt the weak conception of narrative, the author argues for embracing the strong one. The main contention of this article is that stories not only have a legitimate place in deliberation, but are even necessary to formulate certain arguments in the fi rst place; for instance, arguments drawing on historical experience. This claim, namely that narrative is constitutive of certain arguments, in the sense that, without it, said reasons cannot be articulated, is illustrated by deliberative theory’s own narrative underpinnings. Finally, certain possible objections against the strong conception of narrative are dispelled.

The Drivers of Current Account Surplus in Germany and the Politics of Rebalancing in the Eurozone. EU Centre, Singapore Working Paper No. 24, April 2015

Current account deficits have caught the public’s attention as they have contributed to the European debt crisis. However, surpluses also constitute an issue as a deficit in any country must be financed through a surplus in another country. In 2013, Germany, now the world’s largest surplus economy, registered a record high US$273 billion surplus. This paper looks at what accounts for Germany’s surplus, revealing that the major driving factors include strong global demand for quality German exports, domestic wage restraint, an undervalued single currency, high domestic savings rate and interest rate convergence in the euro area. This paper echoes the US Treasury’s view that a persistent German surplus makes it harder for the eurozone as a whole and the southern peripheral economies in particular to recover from the current financial crisis by imposing a Europe-wide “deflationary bias” through pushing up the exchange rate of the euro, exporting feeble German inflation and projecting its ultra-tight macroeconomic policies onto crisis economies. This paper contends that Germany’s trade surplus is likely to endure as Germany and other eurozone countries uphold diverging views on the nature of the surplus engage in a blame-game amidst a sluggish rebalancing process. Prizing the surplus as a reflection of hard work and economic competitiveness, German authorities urge their southern eurozone colleagues to undertake bold structural reforms to correct the imbalance, while the hand-tied governments in crisis-stricken economies call on Germany to do its “homework” by boosting German demands for European goods and services.

Contemporary Transformations of the Relations between Politics, Culture and Religion in Western Europe. Some Notes on the Spanish Case

According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.

A Feminist Affective Turn for Public Relations: Mothers, Passionate Publics, and the Childhood Vaccine Debate

This project proposes a feminist intervention in how affect and publics are theorized in public relations research. Drawing from extant literature, I argue that public relations theories of affect and publics have been apolitical and lack depth and context (Leitch & Motion, 2010a). Using the context of the online childhood vaccine debate, I illustrate several theories and concepts of the new feminist affective turn, as well as postmodern theories of affect, relevant to public relations research: (a) Public Feelings, “ugly” feelings, agency, and community (Cvetkovich, 2012; Ngai, 2007); (b) passionate politics (Mouffe, 2014); (c) postmodern assemblages, biopower, and body politics (Deleuze & Guattari, 1988; Foucault, 1984); (d) affective facts and logics of future threats (Massumi, 2010); and (e) affective ethics (Bertleson & Murphie, 2010). Scholarship in the areas of public relations, risk, feminist and postmodern affect theory, and the vaccine debate provided theoretical grounding for this project. My research questions asked: How is feminist affect theory embodied by mothers in the vaccine debate? How do mothers understand risks as affective facts in the vaccine debate (if at all)? What affective logics are used by mothers in the vaccine debate (if any)? And, What are sources of knowledge for mothers in the vaccine debate? Multi-sited online ethnographic methods were used to explore how feminist affect theory contributes to public relations research, including 29 one-on-one in-depth interviews with mothers of young children and participant observation of 15 online discussions about vaccines on parenting websites BabyCenter.com, TheBump.com, and WhatToExpect.com. I used snowball sampling to recruit interview participants and grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) to analyze interview and online data. Results show that feminist affect theory contributes to theoretical and practical knowledge in public relations by politicizing and contextualizing understandings of publics and elucidating how affective facts and logics inform publics’ knowledge and choices, specifically in the context of risk. I also found evidence of suppression of dissent (Martin, 2015) and academic bias in vaccine debate research, which resulted in cultures of silence. Further areas of study included how specific contexts such as motherhood and issues of privilege and access affect publics’ experiences, knowledges, and choices.