953 resultados para Public agenda


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Power Plays capitalises on this moment of renewed and heightened interest by investigating the why and the how of eight contemporary Australian playwrights: Andrew Bovell, Patricia Cornelius, Reg Cribb, Ben Ellis, Wesley Enoch, Hannie Rayson, Stephen Sewell and Katherine Thomson. These writers are passionate about the theatre as a forum for public discussion and they interrogate current issues in their work. Their plays reflect the passing show of cultural, political and economic life in Australia, telling audiences something critical about what is going on: this is the state of play, this is what we are.

The author has conducted extensive interviews with these writers and offers an extended analysis of some of their recent plays.

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... After a year of study, deliberation, and collaboration with literally hundreds of stakeholders in higher education and the state economy, the Public Agenda Task Force presented the Illinois Public Agenda for College and Career Success to the Illinois Board of Higher Education, which has statutory responsibility for master planning for higher education. On December 9, 2008, the Board unanimously endorsed the Public Agenda as the blueprint to guide education policy -- from preschool to graduate school -- in Illinois for the next decade.

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The objective of this paper is to integrate mobility as across component of the management of specific public actions. The case of study concerns the public health services in Argentina, and mother’s mobility conditions in the suburban of the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area. In terms of methodology, the paper working on the concept of access trying to identify, measure and evaluate the relationship between mobility conditions and maternal health care. Access is weighted according to the realization of health services, and not according to the arrival at the places where they are offers. The result is innovative empirical evidence, useful as an indicator to make more relevant the role of mobility within the public agenda of transport and others specific sectors, asa basic social right behind the access that requires coordinated actions and cross-sectoral approaches.

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The thesis is an explanation of the development of pre-school children's services (infant welfare, kindergartens and child care) at local government level in Victoria. The critical framework of analysis focuses on three dimensions of public policy: 1) the socio-historical environment; 2) the political processes involved in the development of the specific children's service; and 3) the major individuals and groups that exerted pressure for children's service, The argument is threefold. Firstly it is argued that the political environment of children's services has been dominated by the practice of separate spheres of public and private, in which the care of children is primarily the role of women. Secondly, it is argued that the political processes surrounding the development of local children's services have involved all levels of government in what is termed a local state. Thirdly, it is argued that the development of these children's services in local government has resulted mainly from the work of women both individually and collectively. Since the three services of infant welfare, kindergartens and child care all became a normal function of children's services at different times, the circumstances that surrounded each development exhibited different aspects of the three major arguments. The periodisation is broken into four phases: 1) the establishment of local government with no children's services in the nineteenth century; 2) the establishment of infant welfare services in local government in the early part of the twentieth century; 3) the incorporation of kindergartens into local government after the second world war; and 4) the incorporation of child care into local government in the 1970s and 1980s. The thesis concludes by arguing that the existence of children's services in local government in Victoria is testimony to the remarkable work of those women who have pursued the issue both individually and collectively. It has been the identification of children's services as a women's issue in Australian politics that has enabled women's groups at different times to influence the policy makers in diverse ways. However, while the establishment of children's services as a legitimate political concern brings the matter onto the public agenda, the separate spheres still remains a contested issue in the public policies of children's services.

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Este texto busca descrever e analisar, ainda muito incipientemente, de que forma o tema do monitoramento, a partir de indicadores sociais, e do controle social da gestão pública local por meio do estabelecimento de Planos de Metas para a gestão pública entra na agenda pública de muitos municípios brasileiros a partir de 2008. Buscar-se-á, também, analisar de que forma os Planos de Metas apresentam oportunidades e desafios que podem alterar a cultura de gestão nesses municípios, principalmente por parte do poder executivo, no que diz respeito à adoção de um diagnóstico municipal que efetivamente oriente a tomada de decisão e a formulação de políticas públicas no âmbito local. Palavras-chave: programas de metas, gestão local, planejamento, monitoramento, indicadores 

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La cifra de personas que padecen epilepsia en España alcanza, según últimos datos publicados, los 400.000. Si bien cada año se diagnostican 20.000 casos nuevos en nuestro país, la epilepsia es la gran desconocida de las enfermedades por la sociedad. Las personas afectadas y sus familias conviven con una enfermedad que incapacita, en muchas ocasiones, al paciente en su actividad diaria. Es, en este aspecto, donde la morbilidad que rodea a la epilepsia es casi más perjudicial para los enfermos y familiares que la propia enfermedad que ha sido reconocida por la Organización Mundial de la Salud como “un importante problema de salud pública”. El actual trabajo, a partir del análisis de contenido de 159 noticias aparecidas en diferentes soportes on line, presenta cómo tratan la epilepsia los medios de comunicación y su impacto en la agenda de los públicos, así como los temas y el contexto de las noticias sobre la epilepsia en función de la clasificación de públicos que aportamos y que está basada en la Teoría Situacional de Grunig. El logro de estos objetivos, nos ha permitido conocer el grado de sensibilización de la epilepsia a partir del contenido de las noticias por tipo de público y la necesidad de que los medios de comunicación hagan de prescriptores e influenciadores con los actores políticos, para una comunicación afirmativa.

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The dissertation analyzes Finnish consensual culture in public discussion and journalism in Helsingin Sanomat (HS). The consensual Finnish political culture has evolved and persisted over a long period of time and it has been affected by historical circumstances as well as the dynamics of political and journalistic structures and actors. A historical chronology is drawn in the study regarding the nature and development of consensus culture in 20th century Finland. This political culture is traced by looking at public discussion on globalization at the turn of the millennium. Globalization as a concept has been contested and various societal actors have given different meanings to it. This research looks at how the globalization discussion in HS during the years 1992-2004 constructs consensus. Helsingin Sanomat (and its predecessor Päivälehti) has been an important actor in Finnish journalism and the public sphere almost since its founding 120 years ago. The history of the paper is tightly connected to Finland s general political history and history of the public sphere. Moreover, the paper s connections to the societal elite have always been close. The central question in this research was to see how the globalization discussion in HS evolved in relation to consensus as well as legitimate controversies. As a result it is stated that the globalization question has clearly divided the Finnish societal actors. The most powerful societal elites (government, most civil servants, corporate sector) had a profile of being pro globalization. They communicated their globalization strategy as a national, unified way of thinking. Other elites which have been losing their influence (the president, labor union, part of members of parliament), as well as civil society actors tried to bring forward conflicting views in relation to globalization. The paper did give some room to these elements, but on the other hand it also tried to keep up the consensual discussion culture especially in the editorial section. In line with its traditions Helsingin Sanomat strived to create national unity. At the same time it did not give adequate attention to the changes brought about by globalization to the positions and roles of various elites and civil society actors. In this discussion HS seemed more like a medium of the state than as a critical and independent actor. Journalism has an important role in upholding and also reviving the Finnish political culture and public discussion. From this point of view it is problematic if the area of so called legitimate controversy in broad societal questions like globalization becomes very limited. As the Finnish elites are small and there is no considerable competition between them, journalism should actively bring up controversial issues. This task becomes complicated, however, if the elite circles are closed up and no initiatives come from their ranks. Political decision making as well as democracy can suffer, if issues are not brought to the public agenda.

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Resumen: El propósito del artículo es analizar el acercamiento diplomático de Buenos Aires con Simón Bolívar para sumar fuerzas en el conflicto con Brasil por la soberanía en la Banda Oriental. Intentaremos mostrar por qué intereses políticos Buenos Aires; fuera dominada por la facción “unitaria” o “federal”, y Bolívar; empeñado en liderar la organización nacional de Colombia, Perú y Bolivia, no formalizaron un acuerdo diplomático/militar en el contexto de la creación de los Estados de Bolivia y Uruguay durante el período de 1824-1828. Procuramos la inteligibilidad, interpretación y explicación de la cuestión mediante el análisis de fuentes de información histórica que reflejan la agenda pública de Buenos Aires, y las prioridades políticas de Bolívar en el espacio temporal que nos ocupa.

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Resumen: Muy pocas ciencias avanzaron con la celeridad que muestran las ciencias biológicas. Hoy se abren líneas de investigación que, en poco tiempo, se aplican a los pacientes, mejorando notablemente -en la mayoría de los casos- la calidad de vida. Las terapias con células estaminales son un claro ejemplo de ello. Hoy el tema se ha instalado en la sociedad como parte de la agenda pública. Esta exposición ha llevado a la sociedad a una recepción con un lamentable doble riesgo: perder rigor científico y generar falsas expectativas en muchos pacientes. Dicha polémica también afecta las relaciones entre diversos grupos de investigadores y genera desconfianza en la comunidad científica. Desde la última mitad del siglo XX se ha instalado en las ciencias la necesidad de no escindir el campo de la investigación de las consecuencias éticas que siguen de esa praxis. La causa es evidente: la celeridad de los descubrimientos y su rápida aplicación hacen que, así como los efectos positivos alcanzan a una gran cantidad de personas, en caso de surgir efectos negativos imprevistos, el daño pueda ser igualmente multiplicado. La bioética surge así como un reclamo de los mismos investigadores que decidieron dar un cauce ético a su acción.

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O trabalho a ser desenvolvido tem como objetivo compreender a relação complexa da política pública para a educação superior, entre 1995 e 2010, utilizando arcabouço teórico do neo-institucionalismo. Por meio da análise tridimensional da política (polity, politics e policy), a pesquisa procurará construir o ambiente multifacetado do processo de gestão da política pública, que teve início na constituição da agenda pública e perpassa a formulação e a implementação da política educacional nos governos dos presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 a 2002) e Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2010). O fio condutor é a dinâmica da Arena Decisória de Educação Superior, na qual a política pública gestada pelo Ministério da Educação (MEC) influenciou e foi influenciada pelo conjunto de atores governamentais e sociais. A política pública foi entendida como um conjunto sistêmico interdependente de Sete Pilares, a saber: autonomia, centralização do poder decisório, avaliação, formação de professores, flexibilização curricular, expansão e financiamento, que contribuíram para intervenção do Poder Público em prol da expansão da educação superior. Levando-se em conta as especificidades de cada momento histórico, o trabalho pretende construir um ambiente socioeconômico e as limitações fiscais, a fim de estabelecer uma análise comparativa entre as duas presidências.

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En Argentine, la mise en place des lois internationales sur les droits humains dans les tribunaux locaux et son impact ne peuvent être séparés de l’histoire récente, qui a vu commettre des crimes massifs pendant la dictature de 1976 à 1983. En 1987, la Cour suprême a voté « la loi de l’Obéissance due » aussi appelée « loi de l’impunité ». Puis, en 2005, cette loi a été déclarée invalide par une nouvelle décision de la Cour suprême, car contraire à celles sur les droits humains. Les principes de la loi internationale ont prévalu pour permettre une justice efficace, ce changement soulignant le rôle de la société civile. Étant donné les réclamations grandissantes pour plus de justice dans la société argentine, le rôle de la société civile est essentiel pour comprendre la transformation et l’accroissement de la valeur normative des lois sur les droits humains dans les Cours suprêmes argentines. L’action de la société civile internationale est liée aux processus sud-américains de démocratisation, surtout dans le domaine des droits humains. La lutte contre l’impunité n’a été rendue publique que très récemment, soit seulement à partir de 2003. Elle se traduit aujourd’hui dans le rôle grandissant de l’expertise juridique et éthique dans la mise en place des politiques publiques. En fait, l’influence de la nouvelle stratégie dépend largement de la transparence des administrations bureaucratiques, des valeurs et de la volonté politique du gouvernement. Le changement légal peut être analysé selon l’acteur à l’origine du changement, le mécanisme par lequel le changement se fait et le contexte qui fournit l’opportunité pour ce changement. Dans le présent article, nous nous concentrons sur les stratégies argumentatives présentées par les juges dans la description des évènements entourant la décision de 2005. Le but de cet article est d’essayer de lier les stratégies des sociétés civiles avec l’argumentation légale dans la décision de 2005. Ces stratégies poussent à surmonter l’obstacle juridique : le fait que les crimes contre l’humanité n’étaient pas codifiés dans la loi nationale quand ils se sont déroulés (et ne le sont toujours pas.)

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El tema del narcotráfico ha sido ampliamente tratado, así como el caso de las drogas en Colombia, pero la afectación de dicho problema no ha sido analizada desde la República Dominicana y mucho menos desde la relación bilateral entre esta y Colombia. Aunque el tema es de gran relevancia en la agenda internacional, así como en la agenda interna de cada uno de estos Estados, no es el tema principal en la relación bilateral, donde los asuntos comerciales tienen mayor importancia, aún cuando hay ciertos mecanismos que buscan eliminar el tráfico ilegal de estupefacientes. En esta investigación, se busca dar un diagnóstico de las relaciones bilaterales y de aquellos instrumentos existentes, específicamente aquellos implementados desde la acogida internacional del término responsabilidad compartida en el año 1998 hasta el año 2010, para determinar la efectividad de los mismos y de aquellos factores que no son precisamente resultantes de las relaciones bilaterales pero que sí afectan de una u otra manera el tráfico de drogas ilegales entre estos dos países. Así, se buscará encontrar las debilidades, en los instrumentos bilaterales entre Colombia y República Dominicana y hacer recomendaciones para hacerlos más efectivos.

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Esta investigación tiene el propósito de analizar los aspectos jurídicos de los desastres naturales y del reasentamiento poblacional. Se presentan las distintas tipologías del reasentamiento poblacional desde la óptica estatal para señalar su importancia en las actividades de las autoridades administrativas. En el trabajo se muestra la vulnerabilidad del Estado Colombiano frente a la ocurrencia de desastres naturales, por la falta de planeación efectiva y la poca importancia de la reducción del riesgo en la agenda pública. Desarrolla igualmente, el fundamento de la responsabilidad de la administración frente a desastres de la naturaleza y su papel ante la protección de los derechos humanos. Además, desarrolla el reasentamiento poblacional como mecanismo de atención y prevención de desastres naturales, y la normatividad nacional y de la región andina en la cual está contenido. Establece estrategias de acción estatal para la atención práctica de los desastres naturales, el planteamiento del reasentamiento poblacional como política pública y herramientas de protección de la población vulnerable. Por último, plantea la importancia de la reducción de los riesgos de la población ante desastres de la naturaleza y la necesidad de protección del Estado de las poblaciones vulnerables para mejorar sus condiciones de vida.

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Water, considered as an environmental resource and as an economic and social good, should be part of the Colombian public agenda, not only not only in terms of the use and preservation of hydro resources, but also in terms of the social implications of its possession and use. The world wide preoccupation with the diminution of natural resources, species extinction and water shortage has its origins in the seventies. One of the results was the establishment of international conventions and agreements to achieve responsible management of natural resources. Regarding water as a resource, it is intrinsically bound to the Earth’s natural processes and ecosystems. As regards the Colombian case, the “right to water in Colombia” is analyzed taking into account: water as an integral part of sustainable development, the right to water as a global debate and, finally, the right to water in the Colombian context within the explanatory framework of the Water Referendum.

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In the public agenda in Latin America recall has gained of importance since the controversies generated by the votes in Venezuela (2004) and Bolivia (2008) in order to recall Presidents Hugo Chavez and Evo Morales, respectively (both attempts failed). However, it is on the local level where this institution got activated  most frequently and where it could be responsible for major political changes. In  this article, we analyze the introduction, use and consequences of the recall on  the local level in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. We briefly  discuss recall in the light of the current debate on representative democracy and its adoption as a mechanism of direct democracy (MDD) from ‘bottom-up’, initiated  by the citizens. Furthermore, we describe the context under which MDDs have proliferated in various places of the world. More specifically, we then continue  to explore where and in which context in Latin America recall was promoted  as an element of participatory democracy. Finally, we com  up with tentative conclusions about the potential and risks involved with this particular mechanism of direct democracy.