"Hombre, brazo, bomba!" : Discusiones en torno a la violencia anarquista en Buenos Aires (1890-1910)

Entre 1890 y 1910, en Buenos Aires hicieron presencia, antes como temor y luego como realidad, los atentados anarquistas. Son varios los interrogantes que rodean estos fenómenos: ¿Cómo comprenderlos? ¿Cómo categorizarlos? ¿Qué los motivó y cómo fueron presentados por la prensa anarquista? En este trabajo, a partir de la utilización de fuentes primarias, se pretende evaluar las categorías que suelen utilizarse para entenderlos: "terrorismo político"; "propaganda por el hecho", "actos vindicativos". Se cuestionará la pertinencia historiográfica de las categorías "terrorismo" y "propaganda por el hecho", conceptos que suponen la existencia de un objetivo político en estos actos. Comprobaremos que los atentados lejos de tener motivaciones políticas/revolucionarias, tuvieron impulsos pasionales: eran actos vengativos que no tenían la intención de dar mensajes revolucionarios, sino acabar con la vida de aquellos que consideraban responsables de las represiones y las injusticias. Asimismo observaremos que también en la prensa libertaria predominó la apreciación "pasional", y que incluso cuando se festejaban los atentados, era en la medida de que eran justicieros y no revolucionarios.

"Hombre, brazo, bomba!" : Discusiones en torno a la violencia anarquista en Buenos Aires (1890-1910)

Entre 1890 y 1910, en Buenos Aires hicieron presencia, antes como temor y luego como realidad, los atentados anarquistas. Son varios los interrogantes que rodean estos fenómenos: ¿Cómo comprenderlos? ¿Cómo categorizarlos? ¿Qué los motivó y cómo fueron presentados por la prensa anarquista? En este trabajo, a partir de la utilización de fuentes primarias, se pretende evaluar las categorías que suelen utilizarse para entenderlos: "terrorismo político"; "propaganda por el hecho", "actos vindicativos". Se cuestionará la pertinencia historiográfica de las categorías "terrorismo" y "propaganda por el hecho", conceptos que suponen la existencia de un objetivo político en estos actos. Comprobaremos que los atentados lejos de tener motivaciones políticas/revolucionarias, tuvieron impulsos pasionales: eran actos vengativos que no tenían la intención de dar mensajes revolucionarios, sino acabar con la vida de aquellos que consideraban responsables de las represiones y las injusticias. Asimismo observaremos que también en la prensa libertaria predominó la apreciación "pasional", y que incluso cuando se festejaban los atentados, era en la medida de que eran justicieros y no revolucionarios.

"Hombre, brazo, bomba!" : Discusiones en torno a la violencia anarquista en Buenos Aires (1890-1910)

Entre 1890 y 1910, en Buenos Aires hicieron presencia, antes como temor y luego como realidad, los atentados anarquistas. Son varios los interrogantes que rodean estos fenómenos: ¿Cómo comprenderlos? ¿Cómo categorizarlos? ¿Qué los motivó y cómo fueron presentados por la prensa anarquista? En este trabajo, a partir de la utilización de fuentes primarias, se pretende evaluar las categorías que suelen utilizarse para entenderlos: "terrorismo político"; "propaganda por el hecho", "actos vindicativos". Se cuestionará la pertinencia historiográfica de las categorías "terrorismo" y "propaganda por el hecho", conceptos que suponen la existencia de un objetivo político en estos actos. Comprobaremos que los atentados lejos de tener motivaciones políticas/revolucionarias, tuvieron impulsos pasionales: eran actos vengativos que no tenían la intención de dar mensajes revolucionarios, sino acabar con la vida de aquellos que consideraban responsables de las represiones y las injusticias. Asimismo observaremos que también en la prensa libertaria predominó la apreciación "pasional", y que incluso cuando se festejaban los atentados, era en la medida de que eran justicieros y no revolucionarios.

"Hombre, brazo, bomba!" : Discusiones en torno a la violencia anarquista en Buenos Aires (1890-1910)

Entre 1890 y 1910, en Buenos Aires hicieron presencia, antes como temor y luego como realidad, los atentados anarquistas. Son varios los interrogantes que rodean estos fenómenos: ¿Cómo comprenderlos? ¿Cómo categorizarlos? ¿Qué los motivó y cómo fueron presentados por la prensa anarquista? En este trabajo, a partir de la utilización de fuentes primarias, se pretende evaluar las categorías que suelen utilizarse para entenderlos: "terrorismo político"; "propaganda por el hecho", "actos vindicativos". Se cuestionará la pertinencia historiográfica de las categorías "terrorismo" y "propaganda por el hecho", conceptos que suponen la existencia de un objetivo político en estos actos. Comprobaremos que los atentados lejos de tener motivaciones políticas/revolucionarias, tuvieron impulsos pasionales: eran actos vengativos que no tenían la intención de dar mensajes revolucionarios, sino acabar con la vida de aquellos que consideraban responsables de las represiones y las injusticias. Asimismo observaremos que también en la prensa libertaria predominó la apreciación "pasional", y que incluso cuando se festejaban los atentados, era en la medida de que eran justicieros y no revolucionarios.

The propaganda strategies adopted by the Colonial British during the Malayan Emergency, 1948-1960 as applied in newspaper coverage: A case study

The ongoing discussions on the fluid boundaries between ‘propaganda’ and ‘persuasion’ have emerged in numerous studies, the most prominent being Jowett and O’Donnell (2006). Sharing their views, Herman and Chomsky (1988) argued on the repercussions of only using elite sources in media reports due to their capacity to mobilise the masses for a single cause and shape elite opinions, due to the absence of alternative or opposing viewpoints. This case study examined the nature of propaganda strategies adopted by the colonial British during the Malayan Emergency that proved to be highly effective. This study consisted of two separate elements. First, it extends the discussion on propaganda by examining the significance of ‘race’ used as a crucial element within the discourses of anti-communism, as a legitimate rationale to mobilise forces, primarily within a Malayan context. Second, it investigated how propaganda strategies such as the forced resettlement of the ethnic Chinese, strategies used in framing the insurgents, and psychological warfare operated as powerful mechanisms to shape propaganda communication. A comparative content analysis of two mainstream English newspapers – namely The Times (London) and Straits Times (Singapore) – was conducted to identify trends in reporting used. Juxtaposing this method was the administration of in-depth interviews with ex-service personnel who had actively served in Malaya during the Malayan Emergency. The findings of this research reveal a significant correlation between ‘race’ and the constructs of communism. The results also indicate that psychological strategies adopted by the British in the form of deeds and news production proved to be highly effective.

Justifying jihad: US politics, propaganda and the Afghan mujahedeen

Hard-line anti-communists in the United States recognised the potential for the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 to embroil their super-power rival in a ‘Vietnam-like quagmire.’ Their covert operation to arm the mujahedeen is well documented. This dissertation argues that propaganda and public diplomacy were powerful and essential instruments of this campaign. It examines the protagonists of this strategy, their policies, initiatives and programmes offering a comprehensive analysis heretofore absent. It stretches from the dying days of the Carter administration when Zbigniew Brzezinski saw the ‘opportunity’ presented by the invasion to the Soviet’s withdrawal in 1989. The aim of these information strategies was to damage Soviet credibility and enhance that of the US, considered under threat from growing ‘moral equivalence’ amongst international publics. The conflict could help the US regain strategic advantage in South Asia undermined by the ‘loss’ of Iran. The Reagan administration used it to justify the projection of US military might that it believed was eviscerated under Carter and emasculated by the lingering legacy of Vietnam. The research engages with source material from the Reagan Presidential Library, the United States Information Agency archives and the Library of Congress as well as a number of online archives. The material is multi-archival and multi-media including documentaries, booklets, press conferences, summit programmes and news-clips as well as national security policy documents and contemporaneous media commentary. It concludes that propaganda and public diplomacy were integral to the Reagan administration and other mujahedeen supporters’ determination to challenge the USSR. It finds that the conflict was used to justify military rearmament, further strategic aims and reassert US power. These Cold War machinations had a considerable impact on the course of the conflict and undermined efforts at resolution and reconciliation with profound implications for the future stability of Afghanistan and the world.

War and propaganda in the XXth Century

Propaganda represented the sacrifice of soldiers in war and praised the power of the country. It has been around these images that all over the world entire populations were mobilized on the expectation of victory. Through the static image of printed posters or the newspaper news projected in cinemas all over the globe, governments sought to promote a patriotic spirit, encouraging the effort of individual sacrifice by sending a clear set of messages that directly appealed to the voluntary enlistment in the armies, messages that explained the important of rationing essential goods, of the intensification of food production or the purchase of war bonds, exacerbating feelings, arousing emotions and projecting an image divided between the notion of superiority and the idea of fear of the opponent. From press, in the First World War, to radio in World War II, to television and cinema from the 1950s onwards, propaganda proved to be a weapon as deadly as those managed by soldiers in the battlefield. That’s why it is essential to analyse and discuss the topic of War and Propaganda in the Twentieth Century. This conference is organized by the IHC and the CEIS20 and is part of the Centennial Program of the Great War, organized by the IHC, and the International Centennial Program coordinated by the Imperial War Museum in London.

Translation of documents presented by William R. Hearst before the Special Committee appointed pursuant to S. Res. 7, a resolution relative to the alleged payment of large sums of money by the government of Mexico to influence the official action of certain United States Senators.

David A. Reed, Chairman.

Bagasse Fractionation by the Soda Process

The soda process was the first chemical pulping method and was patented in 1845. Soda pulping led to kraft pulping, which involves the combined use of sodium hydroxide and sodium sulfide. Today, kraft pulping dominates the chemical pulping industry. However, about 10% of the total chemical pulp produced in the world is made using non-wood material, such as bagasse and wheat straw. The soda process is the preferred method of chemical pulping of non-wood materials, because it is considered to be economically viable on a small scale and for bagasse is compatible with sugarcane processing. With recent developments, the soda process can be designed to produce minimal effluent discharge and the fouling of evaporators by silica precipitation. The aim of this work is to produce bagasse fibres suitable for papermaking and allied applications and to produce sulfur-free lignin for use in specialty applications. A preliminary economic analysis of the soda process for producing commodity silica, lignin and pulp for papermaking is presented.

Submission to the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Environment and Heritage : Inquiry into a Sustainability Charter by the Cooperative Research Centre for Construction Innovation

The Cooperative Research Centre for Construction Innovation1 (hereafter called Construction Innovation) supports the notion of the establishment of a Sustainability Charter for Australia and is interested in working collaboratively to achieve this outcome. A number of challenges need to be addressed to develop this Charter. This submission outlines these challenges and possible responses to them by a Sustainability Commission.

Enhanced human bone marrow stromal cell affinity for modified poly(L-lactide) surfaces by the upregulation of adhesion molecular genes

To enhance and regulate cell affinity for poly (l-lactic acid) (PLLA) based materials, two hydrophilic ligands, poly (ethylene glycol) (PEG) and poly (l-lysine) (PLL), were used to develop triblock copolymers: methoxy-terminated poly (ethylene glycol)-block-poly (l-lactide)-block-poly (l-lysine) (MPEG-b-PLLA-b-PLL) in order to regulate protein absorption and cell adhesion. Bone marrow stromal cells (BMSCs) were cultured on different composition of MPEG-b-PLLA-b-PLL copolymer films to determine the effect of modified polymer surfaces on BMSC attachment. To understand the molecular mechanism governing the initial cell adhesion on difference polymer surfaces, the mRNA expression of 84 human extracellular matrix (ECM) and adhesion molecules was analysed using quantitative reverse transcriptase polymerase chain reaction (qRT-PCR). It was found that down regulation of adhesion molecules was responsible for the impaired BMSC attachment on PLLA surface. MPEG-b-PLLA-b-PLL copolymer films improved significantly the cell adhesion and cytoskeleton expression by upregulation of relevant molecule genes significantly. Six adhesion genes (CDH1, ITGL, NCAM1, SGCE, COL16A1, and LAMA3) were most significantly influenced by the modified PLLA surfaces. In summary, polymer surfaces altered adhesion molecule gene expression of BMSCs, which consequently regulated cell initial attachment on modified PLLA surfaces.