L'ús dels clítics pronominals del català i la seva adquisició per parlants de romanès i de tagal

El nostre estudi ha analitzat els mecanismes de transferència de la L1 en dos grups de parlants, un que té el romanès i l’altre el tagal com a llengües mare, en el procés d’aprenentatge del català com a L2. En concret ens hem centrat en l’estudi de l’ús dels clítics pronominals, una de les parts de la gramàtica catalana més apassionant per les seves idiosincràsies i la seva diversitat formal. L’ús d’aquest tipus de pronoms és un aspecte que resulta complicat d’adquirir per parlants de llengües en què no existeixen o on l’ús que en fan és diferent. En el nostre estudi, ens hem basat inicialment en la descripció de les característiques fonamentals dels clítics pronominals del català, del romanès i del tagal, a partir de bibliografia especialitzada i més general, i, en el cas del català, fent servir també la pròpia competència. Després d’aquest apartat més descriptiu, hem utilitzat un corpus d’entrevistes fetes en català a dos grups de parlants, el primer amb aprenents de català que tenen el romanès com a L1 i el segon amb aprenents de català que tenen el tagal com a L1, per analitzar quantitativament i qualitativament l’ús dels clítics pronominals. Un altre grup d’entrevistes, aquesta vegada a persones autòctones (català L1), ens ha servit com a grup de control. El nostre estudi dóna suport a la hipòtesi que atorga una importància especial a la transferència de la L1 en l’adquisició d'una segona llengua en general, i en la dels clítics pronominals d’una llengua romànica, en particular. Els resultats mostren que hi ha diferències entre els dos grups d'aprenents que són estadísticament significatives (ús del programa SPSS) i poden ser atribuïdes a les característiques de la L1.

OCP effects in catalan cliticization

In Catalan, sequences of sibilants are never pronounced as such. In most contexts all varieties coincide in the «strategies» used to avoid these sequences, namely epenthesis or deletion. Variation is only found in the domain of pronominal clitics (but not with other types of clitics). One source of variation is accounted for by decomposing a general constraint into two specific ones, which implies partial constraint reranking. The other source of variation, which involves a case of apparent opacity, is explained through an Output-Output constraint that makes reference to paradigmatic relations.

L'ús dels clítics pronominals del català i la seva adquisició per parlants de romanès i de tagal

The thesis L’ús dels clítics pronominals del català i la seva adquisició per parlants de romanès i de tagal [The use of pronominal clitics in Catalan and their acquisition by Romanian and Tagalog speakers] analyzes the mechanisms of transfer from the L1 in the process of acquisition of Catalan (L2) in two groups of learners, one of which has Romanian and the other Tagalog as their native language. Our study lends support to the idea of transfer from the L1 to a second language in general, and, in particular, within the process of acquisition of pronominal clitics from a Romance language (Catalan). The results show that the differences between the two groups are statistically significant and are attributable to the characteristics of the L1. Moreover, starting from a detailed description of the grammar of pronominal clitics in the three languages involved, we define the specific grammatical aspects of the Tagalog and Romanian languages that can have an influence on certain productions and on certain errors in the use of pronominal clitics in Catalan, within the process of acquisition of this Romance language as L2. In the theoretical domain, we started from studies on functional markedness to determine four reference terms that allowed us to carry out a systematized study of the difficulties in acquisition of the use of Catalan clitic pronouns according to their complexity and their degree of grammaticalization.

The role of animacy and definiteness in the clitic-DP nexus

We extend Cuervo's (2003) analysis of the Lower Applicative Dative DP in Spanish to account for the animate definite DP preceded by a and the fact that it is not possible to have both an animate dative definite direct object and a dative indirect object in the same clause. We argue that the presence of such a dative DP 'blocks' the upward movement of the direct object DP to the specifier of the Lower Applicative phrase. We analyse the case ‘mismatch’ between the third person accusative clitic and the co-referring dative DP with animate definite reference in River Plate Spanish as resulting from the raising of the accusative clitic to the head of the Applicative phrase and the movement of the DP to its specifier, where dative case is always assigned in Spanish. We propose that similar phenomena observed in some Australian languages are amenable to a similar analysis.

Cliticização pronominal nas cantigas religiosas galego-portuguesas

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Australian political discourse: Pronominal choice in campaign speeches

The intention behind language used by candidates during an election campaign is to persuade voters to vote for a particular political party. Fundamental to the political arena is construction of identity, group membership and ways of talking about self, others, and the polarizing categories of 'us' and 'them'. This paper will investigate the pragmatics of pronominal choice and the way in which politicians construct and convey their own identities and those of their political opponents within political speeches. Taking six speeches by John Howard and Mark Latham across the course of the 2004 federal election campaign, I look at the ways in which pronominal choice indicates a shifting scope of reference to creat pragmatic effects and serve political functions.

Dos cuestiones pendientes de la sintaxis de los pronombres átonos: enclisis como fenómeno asociado a las oraciones matrices y doble clítico en las construcciones perifrásticas = The Remainders of the Syntax of Clitics: Enclisis as a Root Phenomenon, and Clitic Doubling in Periphrastic Constructions

Conferència centrada en dos aspectes concrets de la sintaxi dels pronoms àtons: l' enclisis que es dona en algunes oracions subordinades de les variants iberromàniques modernes de l'oest peninsular i les configuracions de doble cíclic en les construccions perifràstiques

Pronominal and anaphoric reference in agrammatism

Subjects with Broca's aphasia have been shown to display difficulties in on-line and off-line tasks involving personal pronouns and reflexives. Off-line tasks have indicated more errors with pronouns than with reflexives while the reverse has been found in on-line studies. In the present off-line study, the comprehension of sentences containing personal pronouns and reflexives is examined in a group of 10 agrammatic participants. Results indicate that subjects had difficulties with both pronouns and reflexives, particularly with reflexives in sentences that contained a quantificational antecedent, as well as with pronouns in exceptional case marking constructions. It is argued that the low performance that subjects exhibited as a group in pronouns and reflexives indicates two distinct impairments, one that concerns coreference and one that concerns A-dependencies, the latter being a manifestation of a general processing failure to link positions. Poor performance on exceptional case marking constructions compared to simple transitive sentences is claimed to be interpreted within theories for reference assignment that distinguish between the two sentence types. (c) 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Pragmatic deficits with syntactic consequences?: L2 pronominal subjects and the syntax–pragmatics interface

Contemporary acquisition theorizing has placed a considerable amount of attention on interfaces, points at which different linguistic modules interact. The claim is that vulnerable interfaces cause particular difficulties in L1, bilingual and adult L2 acquisition (e.g. Platzack, 2001; Montrul, 2004; Müller and Hulk, 2001; Sorace, 2000, 2003, 2004, 2005). Accordingly, it is possible that deficits at the syntax–pragmatics interface cause what appears to be particular non-target-like syntactic behavior in L2 performance. This syntax-before-discourse hypothesis is examined in the present study by analyzing null vs. overt subject pronoun distribution in L2 Spanish of English L1 learners. As ultimately determined by L2 knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (OPC) (Montalbetti, 1984), the data indicate that L2 learners at the intermediate and advanced levels reset the Null Subject Parameter (NSP), but only advanced learners have acquired a more or less target null/overt subject distribution. Against the predictions of Sorace (2004) and in line with Montrul and Rodríguez-Louro (2006), the data indicate an overuse of both overt and null subject pronouns. As a result, this behavior cannot be from L1 interference alone, suggesting that interface-conditioned properties are simply more complex and therefore, harder to acquire. Furthermore, the data from the advanced learners demonstrate that the syntax–pragmatics interface is not a predetermined locus for fossilization (in contra e.g. Valenzuela, 2006).

Exploring the source of differences and similarities in L1 attrition and heritage speaker competence: evidence from pronominal resolution

Several studies of different bilingual groups including L2 learners, child bilinguals, heritage speakers and L1 attriters reveal similar performance on syntax-discourse interface properties such as anaphora resolution (Sorace, 2011 and references therein). Specifically, bilinguals seem to allow more optionality in the interpretation of overt subject pronouns in null subject languages, such as Greek, Italian and Spanish while the interpretation of null subject pronouns is indistinguishable from monolingual natives. Nevertheless, there is some evidence pointing to bilingualism effects on the interpretation of null subject pronouns too in heritage speakers’ grammars (Montrul, 2004) due to some form of ‘arrested’ development in this group of bilinguals. The present study seeks to investigate similarities and differences between two Greek–Swedish bilingual groups, heritage speakers and L1 attriters, in anaphora resolution of null and overt subject pronouns in Greek using a self-paced listening with a sentence-picture matching decision task at the end of each sentence. The two groups differ in crucial ways: heritage speakers were simultaneous or early bilinguals while the L1 attriters were adult learners of the second language, Swedish. Our findings reveal differences from monolingual preferences in the interpretation of the overt pronoun for both heritage and attrited speakers while the differences attested between the two groups in the interpretation of null subject pronouns affect only response times with heritage being faster than attrited speakers. We argue that our results do not support an age of onset or differential input effects on bilingual performance in pronoun resolution.

How Pragmatically Odd! Interface Delays and Pronominal Subject Distribution in the L2 Spanish of English Natives

Sorace (2000, 2005) has claimed that while L2 learners can easily acquire properties of L2 narrow syntax they have significant difficulty with regard to interpretation and the discourse distribution of related properties, resulting in so-called residual optionality. However, there is no consensus as to what this difficulty indicates. Is it related to an insurmountable grammatical representational deficit (in the sense of representation deficit approaches; e.g. Beck 1998, Franceschina 2001, Hawkins 2005), is it due to cross-linguistic interference, or is it just a delay due to a greater complexity involved in the acquisition of interface-conditioned properties? In this article, I explore the L2 distribution of null and overt subject pronouns of English speaking learners of L2 Spanish. While intermediate learners clearly have knowledge of the syntax of Spanish null subjects, they do not have target-like pragmatic knowledge of their distribution with overt subjects. The present data demonstrate, however, that this difficulty is overcome at highly advanced stages of L2 development, thus suggesting that properties at the syntax-pragmatics interface are not destined for inevitable fossilization.