The British conservative party and Europe:The choosing of John Major

This article provides an empirical analysis of voting behaviour in the second ballot of the 1990 Conservative leadership contest that resulted in John Major becoming party leader and prime minister. Seven hypotheses of voting behaviour are generated from the extant literature relating voting to socio-economic variables (occupational and educational background), political variables (parliamentary experience, career status, age and electoral marginality) and ideological variables (drawn from survey data on MPs' positions on economic, European and moral issues). These hypotheses are tested using data on voting intentions gathered from published lists of MPs' declarations, interviews with each of the leadership campaign teams, and correspondence with MPs. Bivariate relationships are presented, followed by logistic regression analysis to isolate the unique impact that each variable had on voting. This shows that educational background, parliamentary experience and (especially) attitudes to Europe were the key factors determining voting. The importance of Europe in the contest is particularly instructive: the severe problems for Major's leadership which were caused by the issue can be attributed to, and understood in the context of, the 1990 contest in which he became leader.

From protest to powerlessness : a Marxist analysis of the Ontario NDP /

Using Marxist state theory as an analytical framework, this thesis explains the problems faced by the Ontario New Democratic Party government (1990-1995) in implementing a social democratic agenda. Not only was the government constrained in its ability to implement progressive policy, but it was also pushed to implement a Social Contract (involving legislated wage cuts to public sector employees) that alienated the party's base of support, making it more difficult for the party to organize in the future. Although this study relies predominantly on a reinterpretation of existing research on the topic, some primary research is used in the analysis, including interviews with members of the labour movement and former MPPs and analysis of the news media's treatment of the party/ government. Historical and class analytical perspectives are used to explain the evolution of the ONDP's structure and policies, as well as to assess the relative strength of the working class and its ability to support a social democratic political agenda. It was found that the ONDP' s unwillingness to develop a long term plan for social democracy, and its inability to act as a mass party or to build a strong working class movement, made it more difficult for the party to succeed when it formed the government. Moreover, the class nature of the capitalist state, along with pressure exerted by a well mobilized capitalist class, worked to limit the government' s options.

Modernisation in small steps? Comparing the organisational reforms of the British Conservative Party and the German CDU

Research on political parties has long identified “environmental” pressures upon parties to undertake organisational and programmatic reforms – this applies in particular to “catch-all” parties or Volksparteien. Changed social and media structures, the decline of organisations traditionally associated with the parties, and the growth in alternative possibilities of political participation create significant organisational – as well as programmatic – challenges. This paper compares the German CDU and the British Conservatives in two respects: in particular it focuses on their organisational responses to the election defeats they suffered at the end of the 1990s, examining those reforms which took place and consider whether these match the expectations of organisational reforms anticipated by proponents of the “cartel party thesis”. While in both cases there are similarities, but (in particular in the German case) it is important not to understate the extent of internal party resistance to reform, and thus the difficulties with which aspiring party reformers are confronted. This conclusion suggests, more broadly, that in reality the process of party change is more than an almost automatic, isomorphic, and inevitable response to a changing environment. Rather it is punctuated, messy, and often contingent on events and agents.

Sean O'Sullivan fonds

Sean O’Sullivan was born in Hamilton, Ontario, in 1952. At an early age, he demonstrated an interest in politics. A chance meeting with John Diefenbaker in 1963, when Sean was just 11 years old, marked the beginning of his involvement with the Progressive Conservative Party. Diefenbaker became a mentor to him, and the two exchanged correspondence for many years. Sean became an active member of the Party, and his political career took off quickly. In 1965, he was elected to the executive of the Hamilton Area Young Progressive Conservatives, in 1968 was elected President, and also served as Youth Director for Diefenbaker’s re-election campaign. In 1970 he was elected President of the Ontario Young Progressive Conservatives, and in 1971 became Youth Adviser to Premier William Davis. Later that year, Diefenbaker chose Sean to be his Executive Assistant. In addition to his political activities, Sean enrolled at Brock University in 1969 to study political science. In 1972, he resigned as Diefenbaker’s assistant in order to run as a candidate for Hamilton-Wentworth in the federal election that year. At just 20 years of age, Sean was the youngest MP elected to the House of Commons. While working as an MP, Sean continued his studies at Brock University part-time, graduating with distinction. After being re-elected in 1974, he rose to greater prominence when he succeeded in having a private member’s bill passed making the beaver one of Canada’s national symbols. In 1977, he resigned as MP in order to pursue religious studies and become a Catholic priest. After completing four years of studies at the Irish College of Rome’s Gregorian University, Sean was ordained a priest in Toronto in 1981. In July, 1982, he was appointed Director of Vocations (full-time recruiter) for the archdiocese of Toronto. In this capacity, he implemented a controversial and widely publicized campaign to recruit priests. The recruitment succeeded in generating interest in the priesthood, doubling the number of students in the archdiocese. He was one of the founding members of Serra House, a residence for students considering the priesthood. After his term as Vocations Director ended in 1985, O’Sullivan became publisher of The Catholic Register, a weekly church newspaper. That same year, he was awarded an honorary doctorate from Brock University. In January 1987, he was appointed a Member of the Order of Canada. Later that year, he submitted a report to the Attorney General of Ontario, titled You’ve got a Friend, after conducting an independent review of Advocacy for Vulnerable Adults in Ontario at the request of the government. In 1983, O’Sullivan was diagnosed with leukemia. The disease went into remission after treatment, but was incurable. In 1989, he had a bone marrow transplant at Princess Margaret Hospital in Toronto, but died shortly afterwards. He was 37 years old. A memorial fund was established in his name, and included contributions from prominent business, church and political leaders such as Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, Toronto Sun Chairman Doug Crieghton and His Eminence G. Emmett Carter. The O’Sullivan family requested that Brock University be the beneficiary of the proceeds of the campaign.

The “Lunatic Fringe” -- Barry Goldwater and the Conservative Revolution of the 1960s --

How did conservatives, who had become effectively ostracized by their party following the Great Depression and the societal reforms of the New Deal, regain leverage within the GOP during the 1960s? My hypothesis is two-fold. First, I contend that a small group of conservative activists led by F. Clifton White, in spite of a dearth of resources and manpower, managed to infiltrate Republican infrastructure and “hijack” the delegate- selection process. The distinctly conservative and recalcitrant disposition of the Goldwater delegates demonstrates that these activists succeeded. Second, I argue that in addition to temporarily overpowering the national convention in 1964, conservatives thereafter retained control of the party insofar as subsequent GOP candidates were obliged to garner the support of conservative pockets of the country in order to win the presidential nomination. The resulting rightward shift of the Republican Party following the 1960s is a direct corollary of the conservative takeover outlined in this study.

50th wedding anniversary party of Paul Goldschmidt and Ilse nee Molling; Laguna Hills, CA.

Left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

50th wedding anniversary party of Paul Goldschmidt and Ilse nee Molling; Laguna Hills, California.

left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

Molecular biology of progressive myoclonus epilepsy of Unverricht-Lundborg type (EPM1)

Progressive myoclonus epilepsy of Unverricht-Lundborg type (EPM1) is an autosomal recessively inherited disorder characterized by age of onset at 6-15 years, stimulus-sensitive myoclonus, tonic-clonic epileptic seizures and a progressive course. Mutations in the cystatin B (CSTB) gene underlie EPM1. The most common mutation underlying EPM1 is a dodecamer repeat expansion in the promoter region of CSTB. In addition, nine other mutations have been identified. CSTB, a cysteine protease inhibitor, is a ubiquitously expressed inhibitor of cathepsins, but its physiological function is unknown. The purpose of this study was to investigate CSTB gene expression and CSTB protein function in normal and pathological conditions. The basal CSTB promoter was mapped and characterized using different promoter-luciferase gene constructs. The binding activity of transcription factors to one ARE half, five Sp1 and four AP1 sites in the CSTB promoter was demonstrated. The CSTB promoter activity was clearly decreased using a CSTB promoter with "premutation" repeat expansions and in individuals with alike expansions. The expression of CSTB mRNA and protein was markedly reduced in patient cells. The endogenous CSTB protein localized to the nucleus, cytoplasm and lysosomes, and in differentiated cells merely to the cytoplasm. This suggests that the subcellular distribution of CSTB is dependent on the differentation status of the cells. The proteins representing patient missense mutations failed to associate with lysosomes, implying the importance of the lysosomal association for the proper physiological function of CSTB. Several alternatively spliced CSTB isoforms were identified. Of these CSTB2 was widely expressed with very low levels whereas the other alternatively spliced forms seemed to have limited tissue expression. In patients CSTB2 expression was reduced similarly to that of CSTB. The physiological relevance of CSTB alternative splicing remains unknown. The mouse Cstb transcript was shown to be present in all embryonic stages and adult tissues examined. The expression was highest at embryonic day 7 and in thymus, as well as in postnatal brain in the cortex, caudate putamen, thalamus, hippocampus, and in the Purkinje cell layer of the cerebellum. Our data implies that CSTB expression is tightly temporally and spatially regulated. The data presented in my thesis lay the basis for further understanding of the role of CSTB in health and disease.

50th wedding anniversary party of Paul Goldschmidt and Ilse nee Molling; Laguna Hills, CA.

Left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

50th wedding anniversary party of Paul Goldschmidt and Ilse nee Molling; Laguna Hills, California.

left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

Salmon and freshwater fisheries in the Solway Firth. Report of the Working Party of North West Water Authority and the Annan District Salmon Fishery Board.

The Workinq Party of North West Water Authority and the Annan District Salmon Fishery Board's aims were to identify the current problems relating to the salmon and freshwater fisheries in the Solway Firth and its tributaries (embracing the catchments of the Annan, Kirtle Water, Sark, Esk, Eden, Wampool and Waver - and possibly also the Lochar Water and the Nith) to produce agreed outline solutions, and to consider the financial aspects of the future administration of these fisheries.

Progressive 3D reconstruction of infrastructure with videogrammetry

A number of methods are commonly used today to collect infrastructure's spatial data (time-of-flight, visual triangulation, etc.). However, current practice lacks a solution that is accurate, automatic, and cost-efficient at the same time. This paper presents a videogrammetric framework for acquiring spatial data of infrastructure which holds the promise to address this limitation. It uses a calibrated set of low-cost high resolution video cameras that is progressively traversed around the scene and aims to produce a dense 3D point cloud which is updated in each frame. It allows for progressive reconstruction as opposed to point-and-shoot followed by point cloud stitching. The feasibility of the framework is studied in this paper. Required steps through this process are presented and the unique challenges of each step are identified. Results specific to each step are also presented.