941 resultados para Poverty traps
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We test the view that the large differences in income levels we see across the world are due to differences in the intrinsic geography of each country against the alternative view that there are poverty traps. We reject simple geographic determinism in favor of a poverty trap model with high- and low-level equilibria. The high-level equilibrium state is found to be the same for all countries while income in the low-level equilibrium, and the probability of being in the high-level equilibrium, are greater in cool, coastal countries with high, year-round, rainfall.
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This paper critically reflects on why, in many rural stretches of sub-Saharan Africa, scores of people engage in artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) activity – low-tech, labour intensive mineral extraction – for lengthy periods of time. It argues that a large share of the region’s ASM operators have mounting debts which prevent them from pursuing alternative, less arduous, employment. The paper concludes with an analysis of findings from research carried out by the author in Talensi-Nabdam District, Northern Ghana, which captures the essence of the poverty trap now plaguing so many ASM communities in sub-Saharan Africa.
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Fragile States is a way of naming this particular category of states that have weak performance, insufficient service delivery, weak administrative and government power, and lack of legal rules. Little consideration is usually made to the fact that their own societies may also be fragile and easily jeopardised by inappropriate economic measures or external events. Poverty traps and social exclusion, unjust inequalities with lack of equity, feelings of insecurity and vulnerability, usually undermine the social fabric. Moreover, the people bear their own internal fragilities, which are based on the lack of capabilities and recognition, and interfere in the relationships between the groups that constitute the society. Therefore, dealing with the issue of fragility requires to consider various decision levels, from the personal one to the State level. Such an approach could allow fragile states to conceive preventive policies that would avoid the surge of a political crisis resulting from the combination of social conflict and individual failure.
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La Red JUNTOS, como la estrategia para la superación de la pobreza extrema en Colombia, busca garantizar un mayor y mejor acceso de las familias más pobres a la oferta social del Estado y la consolidación de bases que les permitan superar sus trampas de pobreza (poverty traps), a través de la coordinación de las distintas entidades estatales y el seguimiento permanente a las familias. Partiendo de la teoría de elección racional (rational choice) y el modelo de agencia común (common agency), este trabajo analiza el Componente de Acompañamiento Familiar y Comunitario de la Red JUNTOS, e identifica sus actores, interés y asimetrías de información, con el propósito de establecer el grado en que los incentivos (incentives) del diseño de este componente permiten alinear los intereses de los distintos actores involucrados con el logro de los objetivos de la estrategia.
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En este trabajo se estudian las caracter´ısticas de los incentivos para invertir en bienes de capital con mayor durabilidad. Se considera el hecho de que las economías que invierten en bienes de capital menos duraderos pueden tener menor crecimiento econ´omico. Se elabora un modelo te´orico en el que la tasa de depreciaci´on es endógena y su reducci´on refleja innovaciones tecnológicas. Las tecnologías se diferencian por la tasa de depreciaci´on y aquellas que son más durables son m´as costosas. Esta estructura puede conducir a dos estados estacionarios debido a la complementariedad entre el capital y la tasa de depreciación. El principal resultado del documento es que se encuentran trampas de pobreza asociadas con altas tasas de depreciación.
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A diferencia de la generalidad de trabajos sobre la pobreza rural en Colombia, este estudio emplea un enfoque de activos para indagar acerca de los determinantes de la pobreza rural. En particular se examinan la existencia de no convexidades locales en el proceso de generación de ingresos, el grado de concentración de los hogares en ciertos rangos de acumulación de activos y la presencia de retornos marginales diferenciados a los activos. Con base en esto se proporciona evidencia prima facie acerca de la existencia de una trampa de pobreza en el sector rural, abriendo una línea promisoria de investigación sobre el tema, que puede contribuir de forma importante a su comprensión y a un mejor diseño de política social y sectorial.
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En este trabajo se estudian las características de los incentivos para invertir en bienes de capital con mayor durabilidad. Se considera el hecho de que las economías que invierten en bienes de capital menos duraderos pueden tener menor crecimiento económico. Se elabora un modelo teórico en el que la tasa de depreciación es endógena y su reducción refleja innovaciones tecnológicas. Las tecnologías se diferencian por la tasa de depreciación y aquellas que son más durables son más costosas. Esta estructura puede conducir a dos estados estacionarios debido a la complementariedad entre el capital y la tasa de depreciación. El principal resultado del documento es que se encuentran trampas de pobreza asociadas con altas tasas de depreciación.
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Resource-poor yet blissful Switzerland is also one of the most food-secure countries in the world: there are abundant food supplies, relatively low retail prices in terms of purchasing power parity, with few poverty traps. Domestic production covers 70% of net domestic consumption. A vast and efficient food reserve scheme insures against import disruptions. Nonetheless, the food security contribution by the four sectoral policies involved is mutually constrained: our agriculture is protected by the world’s highest tariffs. Huge subsidies, surface payments, and some production quotas substitute market signals with rent maximisation. Moreover, these inefficiencies also prevent trade and investment policies which would keep markets open, development policies which would provide African farmers with the tools to become more competitive, and supply policies which would work against speculators. The paralysing effect of Swiss agricultural policies is exacerbated by new “food security subsidies” in the name of “food sovereignty” while two pending people’s initiatives might yet increase the splendid isolation which in effect reduce Swiss farmer competitiveness and global food security. Is there a solution? Absent a successful conclusion of the Doha Round (WTO) or a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement (TTIP) further market openings and a consequent “recoupling” of taxpayer support to public goods production remain highly un-likely. To the very minimum Switzerland should resume the agricultural reform process, join other countries trying to prevent predatory behaviour of its investors in developing countries, and regionalise its food reserve.
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Inclusive business is a term currently used to explain the organizations that aim to solve social problems with efficiency and financial sustainability by means of market mechanisms. It can be said that inclusive businesses are those targeted at generating employment and income for groups with little or no market mobility, in keeping with the standards of so-called "decent jobs" and in a self-sustaining manner, i.e., generating profit for the enterprises, and establishing relationships with typical business organizations as suppliers of products and services or in the distribution of this type of production. This article discusses the different concepts found in the scientific literature on inclusive businesses. It also analyses data from a survey conducted with the audiences of Social Corporate Responsibility seminars held by FIEMG. This analysis reveals that prospects, risks and idealizations similar to those found in inclusive business theories can also be found among individuals that run social corporate responsibility projects, even if this designation is new for them. The connection between companies and poverty, especially in relation to inclusive businesses, seems full of stumbling blocks and traps in the Brazilian context.
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The purpose of this research is to capture and interpret the stories of “outsider” managers who make the transition to the public sector. These experiences are considered in the context of efforts to shift public management culture in a direction consistent with meeting contemporary demands placed on public sector organisations. It is often noted that an important strategy for changing culture is the infusion of outsiders. Outsiders are thought to bring new perspectives that, through a dialectical process (Van de Ven 1995), create the potential for change. While there have been cross-sector comparisons (Broussine 1990; Silfvast 1994; Redman 1997), little attention has been given to the experience of those who make the transition in the context of efforts to reform public sector management culture. Not only is the infusion of private sector managers into the public sector a potential culture change strategy, it is also a personal experience for those who make the transition. Boundary crossing is typically an anxiety provoking experience (Van Maanen & Schein 1979) and the quality of this experience influences decisions to commit, engage, disengage or exit. The quality of the experience is likely to be affected by how the public organisation responds to people making this transition, that is, their investment in people processing (Saks 2007). The cost of recruitment and selection processes at middle and senior management levels warrants a greater research focus on this transition. In this paper we argue that the experiences of those who make the transition from private to public sectors has much to tell us about the traps that transition managers experience in making this change, the implications for injecting outsider managers as a strategy for achieving public management culture change, and how reform-oriented public organisations can manage the transitions of outsider managers into the public sector in order that best value might be achieved for both the individual and organisational change goals.
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A discussion of 2008/2009 developments in Australian educational policy, with specific reference to the adoption of US and UK trends in accountability, testing and school reform.
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Australia and New Zealand, as English-speaking nations with dominant white populations, present an ethnic anomaly not only in South East Asia, but also in the Southern Hemisphere. Colonised by predominantly workingclass British immigrants from the late eighteenth century, an ethnic and cultural connection grew between these two countries even though their indigenous populations and ecological environments were otherwise very different. Building a new life in Australia and New Zealand, the colonists shared similar historic perceptions of poverty – perceptions from their homelands that they did not want to see replicated in their new adopted countries. Dreams of a better life shaped their aspirations, self-identity and nationalistic outlook. By the twentieth century, national independence and self-government had replaced British colonial rule. The inveterate occurrence of poverty in Australia and New Zealand had created new local perspectives and different perceptions of, and about, poverty. This study analyses what relationship existed between the political directions adopted by the twentieth-century prime ministers of Australia and New Zealand and their perceptions of poverty. Using the existential phenomenological theory and methodology of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, the study adds to the body of knowledge about poverty in Australia and New Zealand by revealing the structure and origin of the poverty perceptions of the twentieth-century prime ministers.