998 resultados para Post-WWII


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ABSTRACT - I will explore and present the portrayal of violence in some British plays that were staged between 1951 and 1965, in order to discuss the role, impact and aim of its representation. Thus, I will consider John Whiting’s Saint’s Day (1951), Ann Jelicoe’s The Sport of my Mad Mother (1956), Arnold Wesker (Chicken Soup with Barley (1958), Harold Pinter’s Birthday Party (1958), David Rudkin’s Afore Night Come (1962) and Edward Bond’s Saved (1965). My aim is to discuss the way how theatre in the post WWII changed the traditional ways of representing violence. On one hand, violence and reality became more and more familiar and domestic, permitting a representation of multiple and non-agonic violence; and, on the other hand, the violence that was depicted often changed the way one perceived reality itself, being part of a socially engaged artistic attitude.

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Lucas (1987) has shown the surprising result that the welfare cost of business cycles is quite small. Using standard assumptions on preferences and a fully-áedged econometric model we computed the welfare costs of macroeconomic uncertainty for the post-WWII era using the multivariate Beveridge-Nelson decomposition for trends and cycles, which considers not only business-cycle uncertainty but also uncertainty from the stochastic trend in consumption. The post-WWII period is relatively quiet, with the welfare costs of uncertainty being about 0:9% of per-capita consumption. Although changing the decomposition method changed substantially initial results, the welfare cost of uncertainty is qualitatively small in the post-WWII era - about $175.00 a year per-capita in the U.S. We also computed the marginal welfare cost of macroeconomic uncertainty using this same technique. It is about twice as large as the welfare cost ñ$350.00 a year per-capita.

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Ensaio sobre a relação das telas da Kitchen Sink School (John Bratby / Edward Middleditch / Derrick Greaves / Jack Smith) com a dramaturgia realista do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial em Inglaterra.

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This essay examines the role of melodrama in the American war film, focusing on three post-WWII examples. The main argument centers on the natural alliance between melodrama and militarism based on a shared intolerance for the notion of death as meaningless and in vain. Both melodrama and military ideology employ elaborate rhetorical and narrative strategies to enfold deaths into larger systems of meaning, such as the nation, or in more personal terms, as a rite of passage. One of the most common narrative devices present in the military melodrama is the death that converts survivors to the values of the virtuous victim. The essay examines the shared conventions and different strategies of the following three films: Sands of Iwo Jima (1949), Platoon (1986), and Top Gun (1986).

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This paper relaxes the standard I(0) and I(1) assumptions typically stated in the monetary VAR literature by considering a richer framework that encompasses the previous two processes as well as other fractionally integrated possibilities. First, a timevarying multivariate spectrum is estimated for post WWII US data. Then, a structural fractionally integrated VAR (VARFIMA) is fitted to each of the resulting time dependent spectra. In this way, both the coefficients of the VAR and the innovation variances are allowed to evolve freely. The model is employed to analyze inflation persistence and to evaluate the stance of US monetary policy. Our findings indicate a strong decline in the innovation variances during the great disinflation, consistent with the view that the good performance of the economy during the 80’s and 90’s is in part a tale of good luck. However, we also find evidence of a decline in inflation persistence together with a stronger monetary response to inflation during the same period. This last result suggests that the Fed may still play a role in accounting for the observed differences in the US inflation history. Finally, we conclude that previous evidence against drifting coefficients could be an artifact of parameter restriction towards the stationary region. Keywords: monetary policy, inflation persistence, fractional integration, timevarying coefficients, VARFIMA. JEL Classification: E52, C32

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The thesis is the first comprehensive study on Finnish public painting, public artworks generally referred to as murals or monumental paintings. It focuses on the processes of production of public paintings during the post-WWII decades in Finland and the complex relationships between the political sphere and the production of art. The research studies the networks of agents involved in the production of public paintings. Besides the human agents—artists, assistants, commissioners and viewers—also public paintings were and are agents in the processes of production and in their environments. The research questions can be grouped into three overlapping series of questions: First, the research investigates the production public paintings: What kinds of public paintings were realised in postwar Finland—how, where, by whom and for what purposes? Second, it discusses the publicness of these paintings: How were public paintings defined, and what aspects characterised them as “public”? What was their relation to public space, public authorities, and audience? And third, it explores the politics of public paintings: the relationship between Finnish public painting, nationalism, and the memory of war. To answer these questions, extensive archival work has been performed, and over 200 public paintings have been documented around Finland. The research material has been studied in a sociological framework and in the context of the political and economic history of Finland, employing critical theories on public space and public art as well as theories on the building of nationalism, commemoration, memory, and forgetting. An important aim of this research was to open up a new field of study and position public painting within Finnish art history, from which it has been conspicuous by its absence. The research indicates that public painting was a significant genre of art in postwar Finland. The process of creating a national genre of public painting participated in the defining of municipal and state art politics in the country, and paintings functioned as vehicles of carrying out the agenda of the commissioning bodies. In the formation of municipal art policies in Finland in the 1950s, public painting connected to the same tendency of democratising art as the founding of public art museums. Public painting commissions also functioned as an arena of competition and a means of support for the artists. Public paintings were judged and commissioned within the realm of political decision-making, and they suggested the values of the decision-making groups, generally conveyed as the values of the society. The participation of official agents in the production allocated a position of official art to the genre. Through the material of this research, postwar public painting is seen as an agent in a society searching for a new identity. The postwar public painting production participated in the creation of the Finnish welfare society as indications of a humane society. It continued a tradition of public art production that had been built on nationalist and art educational ideologies in the late 19th and early 20th century. Postwar public paintings promoted the new national narrative of unification by creating an image of a homogeneous society with a harmonious communal life. The paintings laid out an image of Finnishness that was modern but rooted in the agrarian past, of a society that was based on hard work and provided for its members a good life. Postwar public painting was art with a mission, and it created an image of a society with a mission.

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Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-WWII Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by (a) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain and (b) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis, i.e. economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.

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According to many accounts, a key paradigm for understanding art in Post WWII Britain is one of Englishness versus internationalism or abstraction versus realism . These terms have a rich inflection of meanings that have been subject to interrogation over the last few decades. Anwar Shemza came to Britain and practiced his art at a time when these competing claims were at their height. In a postcolonial reading entitled “Black Diaspora Artists in Britain: Three ‘Moments’ in Post-War Britain” Stuart Hall recently used David Scott’s framework of a ‘problem space’, that is discursively defined through questions, tensions and conjunctures, that couched the entry of what he describes as first waive British commonwealth artists into critical visibility in Britain. This can be characterized in part by the reviews of WG Archer and GM Butcher, both supporters of Shemza and prominent critics of the period. Hall includes Shemza in this framework that defines the work and his aspirations as constituted through the tensions of what was perceived to be anti-colonialist aims of modernism through universalism and the ‘nativist’ current in anti-colonial nationalism . This text will focus particularly on the problematic of Landscape as a ‘problem space’ of vernacular and modernism, over here and over there. The aim is not to define Shemza within the tradition of English landscape nor to exclude him but to position him within a discursive field of landscape and modernism in mid twentieth Century art.

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The presence of deterministic or stochastic trend in U.S. GDP has been a continuing debate in the literature of macroeconomics. Ben-David and Papell (1995) found evindence in favor of trend stationarity using the secular sample of Maddison (1995). More recently, Murray and Nelson (2000) correctly criticized this nding arguing that the Maddison data are plagued with additive outliers (AO), which bias inference towards stationarity. Hence, they propose to set the secular sample aside and conduct inference using a more homogeneous but shorter time-span post-WWII sample. In this paper we re-visit the Maddison data by employing a test that is robust against AO s. Our results suggest the U.S. GDP can be modeled as a trend stationary process.

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Lucas (1987) has shown a surprising result in business-cycle research, that the welfare cost of business cycles are relatively small. Using standard assumptions on preferences and a reasonable reduced form for consumption, we computed these welfare costs for the pre- and post-WWII era, using three alternative trend-cycle decomposition methods. The post-WWII period is very era this basic result is dramatically altered. For the Beveridge and Nelson decomposition, and reasonable preference parameter and discount values, we get a compensation of about 5% of consumption, which is by all means a sizable welfare cost (about US$ 1,000.00 a year).

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O tema da responsabilidade social empresarial vem ganhando força e atenção tanto das organizações empresariais quanto da sociedade civil. Os impactos do mundo pós-guerra, da globalização e do desenvolvimento somam consequências ambientais, sociais e poluição. Como atores inseridos nessas realidades, as empresas também sofrem as consequências destas mudanças. O próprio papel das organizações na sociedade e os limites e alcances de sua atuação recebem novas perspectivas. A conjuntura atual traz às empresas novos desafios e possibilidades no que se refere à Responsabilidade Corporativa. Estas mudanças têm impacto na própria organização da empresa (seus objetivos, relacionamento com consumidores, trabalhadores etc.) e, como consequência, em suas próprias estratégias. Grande parte das ações de Responsabilidade Corporativa se baseia em visões estreitas de atuação – essencialmente, uma postura reativa, como consequência de pressões e obrigações. No entanto, tem-se observado a ascensão de uma nova proposta, mais proativa: em algumas empresas pioneiras, a Responsabilidade Corporativa é vista como parte integrante e fundamental da estratégia empresarial, gerando benefícios não apenas para a sociedade, mas também para a própria empresa. O presente trabalho inicia-se com uma investigação da literatura sobre a evolução da Responsabilidade Social. Em seguida, propõe-se um modelo conceitual, relacionando Responsabilidade Corporativa e Estratégia, o qual expõe os caminhos possíveis de integração entre estes. Parte-se, portanto da ideia de que a Responsabilidade Corporativa pode ser abordada como uma questão estratégica, capaz de atender, em diferentes níveis e profundidades, pontos cruciais para o bom desempenho empresarial. A aplicabilidade do modelo proposto é demonstrada através da análise de exemplos ilustrativos de empresas que vêm incorporando a Responsabilidade Corporativa como parte integrante de sua estratégia de negócio. Como conclusão, constata-se que, quando é parte de uma estratégia formal, a adoção de uma abordagem responsável não só traz ganhos de imagem, mas também gera, para empresas que a praticam, resultados tangíveis, ao mesmo tempo em pode assegurar, para a Sociedade, um mundo mais sustentável, com melhor qualidade de vida para todos.

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Lucas (1987) has shown a surprising result in business-cycle research: the welfare cost of business cycles are very small. Our paper has several original contributions. First, in computing welfare costs, we propose a novel setup that separates the effects of uncertainty stemming from business-cycle fluctuations and economic-growth variation. Second, we extend the sample from which to compute the moments of consumption: the whole of the literature chose primarily to work with post-WWII data. For this period, actual consumption is already a result of counter-cyclical policies, and is potentially smoother than what it otherwise have been in their absence. So, we employ also pre-WWII data. Third, we take an econometric approach and compute explicitly the asymptotic standard deviation of welfare costs using the Delta Method. Estimates of welfare costs show major differences for the pre-WWII and the post-WWII era. They can reach up to 15 times for reasonable parameter values -β=0.985, and ∅=5. For example, in the pre-WWII period (1901-1941), welfare cost estimates are 0.31% of consumption if we consider only permanent shocks and 0.61% of consumption if we consider only transitory shocks. In comparison, the post-WWII era is much quieter: welfare costs of economic growth are 0.11% and welfare costs of business cycles are 0.037% - the latter being very close to the estimate in Lucas (0.040%). Estimates of marginal welfare costs are roughly twice the size of the total welfare costs. For the pre-WWII era, marginal welfare costs of economic-growth and business- cycle fluctuations are respectively 0.63% and 1.17% of per-capita consumption. The same figures for the post-WWII era are, respectively, 0.21% and 0.07% of per-capita consumption.

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Lucas(1987) has shown a surprising result in business-cycle research: the welfare cost of business cycles are very small. Our paper has several original contributions. First, in computing welfare costs, we propose a novel setup that separates the effects of uncertainty stemming from business-cycle uctuations and economic-growth variation. Second, we extend the sample from which to compute the moments of consumption: the whole of the literature chose primarily to work with post-WWII data. For this period, actual consumption is already a result of counter-cyclical policies, and is potentially smoother than what it otherwise have been in their absence. So, we employ also pre-WWII data. Third, we take an econometric approach and compute explicitly the asymptotic standard deviation of welfare costs using the Delta Method. Estimates of welfare costs show major diferences for the pre-WWII and the post-WWII era. They can reach up to 15 times for reasonable parameter values = 0:985, and = 5. For example, in the pre-WWII period (1901-1941), welfare cost estimates are 0.31% of consumption if we consider only permanent shocks and 0.61% of consumption if we consider only transitory shocks. In comparison, the post-WWII era is much quieter: welfare costs of economic growth are 0.11% and welfare costs of business cycles are 0.037% the latter being very close to the estimate in Lucas (0.040%). Estimates of marginal welfare costs are roughly twice the size of the total welfare costs. For the pre-WWII era, marginal welfare costs of economic-growth and business-cycle uctuations are respectively 0.63% and 1.17% of per-capita consumption. The same gures for the post-WWII era are, respectively, 0.21% and 0.07% of per-capita consumption.

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Investiga a inserção dos imigrantes japoneses na Região Norte e as condicionantes que levaram a consolidação (fixação) das colônias agrícolas no estado do Pará e a dissolução (mobilidade) das colônias agrícolas de outros estados, tendo como foco da análise comparativa as colônias de Tomé-Açu (Pará) e do Amapá, a primeira considerada um caso de sucesso, enquanto que a segunda, o inverso. Para discussão foram abordadas as principais correntes teóricas das migrações, o panorama das migrações internacionais, a participação do Brasil e do Japão no contexto das grandes migrações internacionais e no contexto nacional. No âmbito local, discute algumas questões relacionadas às negociações entre o governo e as empresas promotoras das imigrações dirigidas que ocorreram nos estados do Amazonas, Pará e Amapá, as políticas públicas adotadas para fixação dos imigrantes antes e após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, os percalços das diferentes colônias japonesas que foram instaladas nos estados da Região Norte. A pesquisa fundamenta-se no referencial bibliográfico e nas entrevistas realizadas com os imigrantes. A partir da análise dos dados, conclui-se que o modelo de migração planejada, assentada em locais previamente selecionados pelos representantes japoneses no atual município de Tomé-Açu no início da migração (1929) e os sucessivos investimentos das empresas japonesas, e do governo japonês depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial, foram determinantes para a fixação desses imigrantes em Tomé-Açu. Enquanto que o modelo de migração dirigida (pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial) para as colônias do Amapá, sem o devido planejamento e pesquisa pelas autoridades competentes, dificultaram sobremaneira o plantio e o escoamento da produção, agravado pela incidência de doenças endêmicas que comprometeram a saúde e a vida dos imigrantes, fatores que contribuíram para a mobilização da maioria de imigrantes em busca de alternativas para a sua sobrevivência.