Use of performance information by local politicians: a field study in the Portuguese context.

This paper seeks to investigate the use of performance information by politicians and whether the institutional reforms on performance management (PM) have been operationalized by local politicians. Differences on the policy field and the organizational context have been analyzed. Our goal is contribute to knowledge on PM in the political sphere and understand the different responses of politicians to government change initiatives (mainly coercive pressures). Our findings show that local politicians support the notion that greater attention should be devoted to the use of performance information on the evaluation process. Nevertheless they are very skeptic in relation to effective execution of government reforms. There is an internal culture where agencies are embedded, strongly influenced by the high degree of politicisation among senior managers, that lead politicians to be more concerned about personal opinions and informal performance information rather than to use more sophisticated information (output and outcome measures). The institutional approach helps us to identify political responses to institutional pressures and understand the reasons for a reduced use in the Portuguese context.

The use of quantitative performance information by local elected politicians in top managers’ performance evaluation: case studies

This paper studies the use of results oriented performance information (outputs and outcomes) by local elected politicians (aldermen) in top managers’ performance evaluation. The main goal is to understand the top managers’ performance evaluation process conducted by Portuguese aldermen and to identify the dominant evaluation style. In line with Bogt (2001), an exploratory field research was developed in three large municipalities: Porto, Braga and Matosinhos. We intend to answer the following research questions: to what extent are local politicians (aldermen) 1 using results information (about outputs and outcomes) to evaluate top managers’ performance? Do aldermen give any importance to quantitative output information and report them on current planning and control documents? Will the output performance information be used on performance evaluation in a different way concerning policy field (task orientation)? Based on the Hopwood evaluation styles (adapted from the private to the public sector by Bogt, 2001), we have found that the performance evaluation process of top managers is more featured by the ‘operations-conscious styles’ (or ‘implicit style’). Portuguese aldermen recognize the importance to quantify outputs and outcomes, but these days they focus on the information about activities and the realized operations when they evaluate performance. We haven´t found significant differences between different tasks (some exceptions for culture and environment areas). However, the municipality of Matosinhos paid more attention on quantitative performance information. This finding is reinforced by the quality of quantitative data on outputs reported on its management report. Generally speaking, aldermen are aware that more attention should be paid to quantitative information about results and performance, taking into account recent reforms introduced in Portuguese municipalities (PLG) on this field, but the ‘implicit’ style is dominant.

Joining the online video conversation? Discourse and practices of European political institutions and politicians on YouTube

To mimic the online practices of citizens has been declared an imperative to improve communication and extend participation. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of how European discourses praising online video as a communication tool have been translated into actual practices by politicians, governments and organisations. By contrasting official documents with YouTube activity, it is argued that new opportunities for European political communication are far from being fully embraced, much akin to the early years of websites. The main choice has been to use YouTube channels fundamentally for distribution and archiving, thus neglecting its social media features. The disabling of comments by many heads of state and prime ministers - and, in 2010, the European Commission - indicates such an attitude. The few attempts made to foster citizen engagement, in particular during elections, have had limited success, given low participation numbers and lack of argument exchange.

Choosing the gender and skill of politicians: List composition and electability across Brazilian municipalities

This work project studies the effect of variations in the proportion of female candidates on the quality of politicians. This effect was divided between nominated and elected body. Cross-sectional data was used for two elections, and an OLS as an IV approach. Results show that the existence of female candidates on parties’ list increases the quality of the nominated body. Moreover, contrary to what many advocate, increasing the presence of female candidates either increases or has no effect on the quality of the elected body. Results that were confirmed for the overall data and controlling for region factors only.

Politicians in the Media: Determinants of Legislators' Presence and Prominence in Swiss Newspapers

In times of increasing "mediatization" of politics, when voters and their elected representatives primarily communicate through the media, the question of who gets into the news and why becomes of the utmost importance. This article examines the determinants of Swiss legislators' presence and prominence in the print media by focusing on three competing approaches drawn from communication studies. The first approach regards the media as a "mirror" of political reality and argues that the media focus on the most active deputies in parliament. Second, news values theory predicts that "authoritative" politicians in leadership positions get the most media coverage. Third, theories of "news bias" hold that the media privilege legislators who are in line with their own editorial interests. Overall, the statistical analyses show an important leadership effect and provide strong support for the second explanation. While deputies in official functions get the most extensive news coverage, media access can also be won by parliamentary activity. The least support is shown for the news bias theory, although some newspapers try to localize parliamentary news coverage by focusing on deputies from their own media market.

Localization, Frequency, and Functions of Filled Pauses: Five American Politicians’ Use of er and erm in the Talk Show Larry King Live

Tämän pro gradu– tutkielman tavoitteena oli testata täytettyjen taukojen (er ja erm) esiintymistiheyttä, sijaintia kieliopillisessa rakenteessa sekä funktioita Kjellmerin (2003) korpus-tutkimuksessa. Materiaalina käytin viiden yhdysvaltalaisen poliitikon puhetta keskusteluohjelmasta Larry King Live. Tutkimuksessani sovelsin Kjellmerin tutkimusmenetelmiä, joita muokkasin huomattavasti suppeampaan materiaaliini sopiviksi. Lähestymistapani oli täten induktiivinen toisin kuin testatussa tutkimuksessa. Materiaalini oli tarkoituksellisesti rajattu, sillä halusin selvittää, kuvaavatko Kjellmerin laajaan materiaaliin perustuvat tutkimustulokset myös täytettyjen taukojen käyttöä suppeammassa materiaalissa. Materiaalini (kokonaisuudessaan 101 minuuttia) transkriboin ortografisesti. Analyysissäni arvioin täytettyjen taukojen esiintymistiheyden puhujakohtaisesti ja koko ryhmälle suhteuttamalla täytettyjen taukojen lukumäärän kokonaissanamäärään. Tämän jälkeen tein perinteisen kielioppianalyysin rakenteista, joita edeltää tai joissa esiintyy täytetty tauko, ja täytettyjen taukojen sijainnin perusteella luokittelin ne sana-, lauseke-, ja lausetasolle. Lopuksi analysoin täytettyjen taukojen käyttöä soveltaen Kjellmerin ehdottamia funktioita (hesitaatio, vuorottelujäsennyksen merkitseminen, huomion herättäminen ja kontaktin luominen, korostus ja korjaus) ja niiden piirteitä omaan materiaaliini. Tutkimukseni perusteella täytetyt tauot esiintyvät tutkitun viiden poliitikon puheessa suhteellisen usein. Puhujakohtaiset eroavaisuudet olivat kuitenkin huomattavat. Kieliopillisen luokitteluni mukaan sana-, lauseke- ja lausetasot eivät täysin kuvaa täytettyjen taukojen sijoittumista, sillä täytetyt tauot edelsivät mm. määre-lauseita, jotka eivät vastaa lausetasoa englannin kielessä. Materiaalini funktioanalyysi osoitti, että täytetyt tauot yleensä vastaavat yhtä tai useampaa Kjellmerin ehdottamaa funktioita. Lisäksi tutkimukseni mukaan täytetyillä tauoilla on ainakin yksi rakenteellinen funktio. Analyysini perusteella Kjellmerin tutkimustulokset ovat siis pääosin sovellettavissa suppeampaan materiaaliin. Puutteiksi hänen tutkimuksessaan osoittautuivat funktioanalyysille tärkeän kontekstuaalisen informaation puute sekä keskittyminen täytettyihin taukoihin, jotka esiintyvät vain tietyissä kielioppirakenteissa. Yleisesti voin tutkimukseni pohjalta todeta, että täytetyt tauot ovat vielä vajaasti tunnettuja ja että kieliopillisen sijoituksen ja funktioiden lisätutkimus on tarpeellista.

The institutional choices of politicians : how and why legislators shape Lower Chambers

Cette thèse s’intéresse aux choix institutionnels des législateurs. Elle propose une analyse diachronique et comparative du développement des Chambre Nationale des Députés argentines et chiliennes des années 1940 aux années 2000. Inspiré de la théorie du Cartel (Cox et McCubbins, 1993), ce travail se concentre sur le rôle des partis politiques dans ce développement institutionnel. Il montre qu’en dépit de leurs différences, les partis uniques, coalitions, forces majoritaires ou minoritaires qui ont dirigé ces chambres ont adopté un large éventail de règles et de normes organisationnelles qui les avantagent. Ils se sont, en un mot, comportés comme des coalitions procédurales. L’analyse des modifications des règles de fonctionnement de ces chambres et de leurs systèmes de direction et de commissions montre que les partis et coalitions au pouvoir ont, pendant cette période, renforcé leur pouvoir, contrôlé l’agenda législatif, structuré les systèmes de commission et adopté des règles qui leur ont profité. Les résultats obtenus suggèrent en particulier que les coalitions qui ont dirigé la chambre Chilienne ont installé certains de leurs membres à plusieurs postes comme les présidences d’assemblée et de commissions. Ils montrent l’existence d’un pouvoir de véto sur l’agenda législative plus importante au Chili qu’en Argentine. L’étude du cas argentin montre que les partis au pouvoir ont, en particulier depuis les années 1960, conservé le contrôle de la chambre, non seulement en modifiant les règles et les structures du système de commissions, mais également en créant et distribuant à l’opposition des postes permanents mais sans réel pouvoir. Cette analyse confirme également les résultats obtenus par de récentes études concernant ce champ de recherche, notamment le professionnalisme du système de commission chilien et le caractère amateur des législateurs argentins. A l’inverse, elle met à jour des différences, négligées jusqu’alors, entre l’Argentine et le Chili concernant le contrôle de l’agenda législatif. Cette thèse est divisée en sept chapitres. Le premier introduit le sujet, l’hypothèse générale et les questions posées par la thèse, en expliquant également pourquoi les choix institutionnels des législateurs importent. Le chapitre II présente la théorie et la méthodologie. Il propose une définition du développement institutionnel et explicite les prédictions et critères permettant de tester l’hypothèse générale. Les chapitre III et IV, qui concernent respectivement l’Argentine et le Chili, décrivent le système politique de chaque pays et l’organisation des chambres durant la période étudiée. Les chapitre IV et VI, respectivement pour l’Argentine et le Chili, analysent les réformes des règles régissant les chambres, l’évolution de l’autorité qui les dirige et celle du système de commission. Ces chapitres se concluent par un résumé des différents schémas mis en évidence et une évaluation préliminaire de l’hypothèse générale. En conclusion, le chapitre VII résume les découvertes, donne un verdict global sur la fécondité de la théorie et suggère de nouvelles pistes de recherche.

Exposing corrupt politicians : the effects of Brazil's publicly released audits on electoral

This paper examines whether access to information enhances political accountabil- ity. Based upon the results of Brazil's recent anti-corruption program that randomly audits municipal expenditures of federally-transferred funds, it estimates the e®ects of the disclosure of local government corruption practices upon the re-election success of incumbent mayors. Comparing municipalities audited before and after the elections, we show that the audit policy reduced the incumbent's likelihood of re-election by approximately 20 percent, and was more pronounced in municipalities with radio sta- tions. These ¯ndings highlight the value of information and the role of the media in reducing informational asymmetries in the political process.

Predicting Problematic Approach Behavior Toward Politicians: Exploring the Potential Contributions of Control Theory

The potential merits of Carver and Scheier's (1981) control theory in the prediction of targeted violence are reviewed and several novel indicators of risk that are consistent with this theory are suggested for study. It was hypothesized that: (a) similarity between inappropriate contact with politicians and extremist group literature and writings; (b) the temporal proximity to violent or otherwise criminal actions and notable anniversaries of such groups; (c) detailed specification of a plan to engage in problematic approach behavior, and; (d) self-focus, will be significant predictors of problematic approach behavior. A sample of 506 individuals who engaged in threatening or otherwise inappropriate contact toward members of the United States Congress was drawn from the case files of the United States Capitol Police. Results of the present research indicated that detailed specification of a plan to engage in problematic approach behavior was strongly predictive of actually engaging in problematic approach. Furthermore, high self-focus was significantly related to problematic approach between-persons, although within-person, higher-than-average self-focus showed no such relation. Neither temporal proximity to notable acts of extremist violence nor similarity to known extremist group writings was found to be associated with problematic approach in this sample.

Protect Coal Trust Fund from Greedy Politicians

A Montana Public Radio Commentary by Evan Barrett. Published newspaper columns written by Evan Barrett on this topic, which vary somewhat in content from this commentary, appeared in the following publications: Hungry Horse News, March 31, 2015 Montana Standard, April 3, 2015 Ravalli Republic, April 2, 2015 Missoulian, April 4, 2015 Helena Independent Record, April 12, 2015

The role of politicians in inciting financial markets to attack the eurozone. EuropEos Commentary No. 4, 21 June 2010

While acknowledging that the sustainability of sovereign debt is a serious issue that must be confronted, this EuropEos Commentary finds that financial markets have blown the problem completely out of proportion, leading to a full-scale confidence crisis. The authors present evidence suggesting that politicians’ public disagreements and careless statements at critical junctures may have added oil to incipient fire. By creating the impression that domestic political interests would take precedence over orderly management of the Greek debt crisis, they raised broader doubts about their ability to address fundamental economic divergences within the area, which are the real source of debt sustainability problems in the medium term.