860 resultados para Political struggles


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This dissertation explores the political exclusion and reintegration of families and individuals in Córdoba, Argentina during the early nineteenth-century. Part one is an examination of how Federals in Córdoba managed the process of political identification and purge. Federals set up ad hoc institutions that were responsible for targeting political subversives within provincial communities. From 1831 to 1852, Federals managed to target, or “classify,” over 400 individuals and families in various towns and villages as “savage Unitarians,” a political label that meant the certain loss of rights, property, exile, and worse. Federals also sought active participation among “citizens” from all levels of society. Thus, I argue that the process of correctly identifying a “savage Unitarian” in Córdoba was constantly subject to modification at the local level. I also reconstruct the stories of accused families as they struggled to survive the political purges. Many of the families were large landowners and wealthy merchants, confirming that early republican Argentine political struggles were often intra-elite affairs. However, the “classified” individuals and families also represented a variety of socio-economic, ethnic, and racial groups. ^ The second part of this study focuses on families who petitioned Federal authorities for the restitution of rights and property. They proclaimed their loyalty to the “Federal cause,” and often, they had friends and family who could vouch for their claims. These petitions forced Federal authorities to doubt the precision of political identification and re-think how the ideology of Federalism was defined. Authorities granted most requests for repatriation, thereby creating a process of reintegration that included amnesty and restitution. Yet, this system failed to repair the psychological, emotional, materials, and political effects of political purge. Conflicts between society and state led to numerous misunderstandings about what restitution, justice, and reconciliation meant. The new regime's leaders more often denied restitution claims to formerly accused families and individuals, demonstrating that the journey from “savage” to citizen left an indelible imprint on family life in mid-nineteenth century Argentina. ^

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Parrhesia — the practice of truth-telling — was adapted to various ancient legal, political, philosophical and religious contexts. In this essay we focus on parrhesia in politics and its relevance for democracy, concentrating on the account given by Michel Foucault. We suggest that Foucault’s approach to parrhesia and democracy is valuable because of its stress on the analysis of governmental rationalities and the ethical comportment of citizens, rather than on the normative dimensions of democracy, as is more usual (but more sterile) in political thought. We take two modern examples of truth-telling’s role in democracy – the recent WikiLeaks scandal and the political struggles in Tunisia and Egypt – as a way of assessing the value of Foucault’s distinctive approach and the relevance of parrhesia for democracy today.

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As design research continues to gain momentum in South America, design researchers and practitioners in the region have begun to consider how to the field may address regionally-specific issues, including on-going political struggles. By bringing approaches such as Participatory Design and Adversarial Design that consider political aspects of design, local researchers have explored various forms that these two approaches could take that are tailored to the needs and values of different communities across the region. This paper focuses on identifying opportunities for developing design research projects in community-based and grassroots-oriented contexts. The paper presents the findings of our study about the understanding and experience of design researchers and experts who have been working closely with community groups and grassroots organisations in South America. Five themes emerged, highlighting opportunities and challenges related to positioning contemporary design research in the region, integration of adversarial perspectives into design processes, leveraging local obstacles through creativity, and the potential of building capacity within community groups and grassroots organisations for sustainability and autonomy.

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O objeto do presente estudo trata das repercussões do trabalho na Central de Material e Esterilização (CME) para o processo saúde-doença dos trabalhadores de enfermagem, na perspectiva desse coletivo profissional. Através de conversas informais com os profissionais da CME e de minhas observações, identifiquei que os trabalhadores de enfermagem queixavam-se das sobrecargas física e mental, da inadequação dos recursos materiais, além do estresse advindo das exigências do posto de trabalho. Considerando a natureza do objeto de estudo e as questões norteadoras, pretende-se, como objetivo geral: discutir a situação de saúde dos trabalhadores de enfermagem em uma CME de um Hospital Geral, correlacionando com a organização do trabalho e processo laboral desses trabalhadores. Os objetivos específicos foram: descrever a organização e o processo de trabalho dos trabalhadores de enfermagem da CME de um Hospital Geral; analisar a configuração da organização e do processo de trabalho na CME, na perspectiva de interferência no processo saúde-doençados trabalhadores de enfermagem; e propor estratégias para melhorar a saúde e a segurança dos trabalhadores de enfermagem da CME. Para a realização desta pesquisa, optou-se pela abordagem qualitativa, de caráter descritivo e exploratório. O cenário do estudo foi CME de um hospital geral, de grande porte, do serviço público, situado no município do Rio de Janeiro. Os sujeitos foram 34 trabalhadores de enfermagem (vinte e cinco técnicos de enfermagem e nove enfermeiras). Utilizou-se a entrevista do tipo semiestruturada, associada à observação não participante no setor, sendo os dados obtidos nos meses de março a maio de 2013.Para o tratamento e a análise dos dados coletados recorreu-se à análise temática de conteúdo.O estudo foi aprovado pelo Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa da Instituição e protocoladocom o n 081.3.2012. Na primeira categoria evidenciou-se que, em função de uma obra iniciada há cerca de dois anos, houve prejuízos para a condução do processo de trabalho nesta unidade, gerando improvisações na estrutura organizacional e no modo operatório do processo laboral. Outrasquestõesrelatadas foram a insuficiência de recursos materiais, a precariedade dos vínculos de trabalho e a escassez de recursos humanos.Na segunda categoria constatou-se queos trabalhadores salientaram a sobrecarga físicadecorrente da forma como está configurado a organização e o processo laboral, destacando-se a repetitividade das tarefas. Na terceira categoria, os sujeitos relataram que a CME é um excelente cenário para aprendizado, que sentem orgulho em trabalhar em um local imprescindível para a instituição, porém destacaram que sofrem por não terem o reconhecimento desejado. Por fim, na quarta categoria, os depoentes propuseram a retomada e a finalização das obras, além da regulamentação dos contratos precários de trabalho e a necessidade da realização de novos concursos públicos. Recomenda-se que se ampliem os espaços de discussão sobre Saúde do Trabalhador e sobre CME na formação de enfermagem, buscando-se a participação efetiva dos trabalhadores nas lutas políticas que envolvem a classe e a área da saúde, destacando-se a conquista por condições dignas de trabalho.

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In the early to mid-twentieth century, many novelists in the Arab world championed Arab nationalism in their literary reflections on the social and political struggles of their countries, depicting these struggles primarily in terms of spatial binaries that pitted the Arab world against the West, even as they imported Western literary models of progress and modernity into their own work. The intense experience of national awakening that infused their writing often placed these authors at a literary disadvantage, for in their literature, all too often the depth and diversity of Arabic cultures and the complexity of socio-political struggles across the Arab world were undermined by restrictive spatial discourses that tended to focus only on particular versions of Arab history and on a seemingly unifying national predicament. Between the Arab defeat of 1967 and the present day, however, an increasing number of Arab authors have turned to less restrictive forms of spatial discourse in search of a language that might offer alternative narratives of hope beyond the predictable, and seemingly thwarted, trajectories of nationalism. This study traces the ways in which contemporary Arab authors from Egypt and the Sudan have endeavoured to re-think and re-define the Arab identity in ever-changing spaces where elements of the local and the global, the traditional and the modern, interact both competitively and harmoniously. I examine the spatial language and the tropes used in three Arabic novels, viewing them through the lens of thawra (revolution) in both its socio-political and artistic manifestations. Linking the manifestations of thawra in each text to different scenes of revolution in the Arab world today, in Chapter Two, I consider how, at a stage when the Sudan of the sixties was both still dealing with colonial withdrawal and struggling to establish itself as a nation-state, the geographical and textual landscapes of Tayeb Salih‟s Season of Migration to the North depict the ongoing dilemma of the Sudanese identity. In Chapter Three, I examine Alaa iii al-Aswany‟s The Yacoubian Building in the context of a socially diseased and politically corrupt Egypt of the nineties: social, political, modern, historical, local, and global elements intertwine in a dizzyingly complex spatial network of associations that sheds light on the complicated reasons behind today‟s Egyptian thawra. In Chapter Four, the final chapter, Gamal al-Ghitani‟s approach to his Egypt in Pyramid Texts drifts far away from Salih‟s anguished Sudan and al-Aswany‟s chaotic Cairo to a realm where thawra manifests itself artistically in a sophisticated spatial language that challenges all forms of spatial hegemony and, consequently, old and new forms of social, political, and cultural oppression in the Arab world.

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Stories of peoples’ struggles across the globe are testaments to their determination to resist exploitation and injustice, and to imagine and construct their own narratives of economic and political difference. These stories of emancipatory moments demonstrate that something radically different in terms of dominant socio-economic relations and mental conceptions of the world may arise out of and beyond capitalism. The Pursuit of Alternatives: Stories of Peoples’ Economic and Political Struggles Around the World presents a fresh and new perspective on how the ‘process of becoming’ alternatives might take place based on peoples’ lived experiences. The chapters here, by labour activists and academics, explore how various forms of peoples’ economic and political initiatives and struggles in six countries – Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Nigeria, the Philippines, and South Korea – might become ‘actually existing’ spaces and moments for the development of critical consciousness and transformative capacities which are both central in challenging the dominant social, economic and political relations. The stories in this book bring to light today’s language of peoples’ struggles; what inspires people to create their own emancipatory moments and spaces for transformative self-change. While this book does not aim to propose an alternative to capitalism per se, it makes a stimulating contribution to the continuing debate on what alternatives to capitalist relations and arrangements might look like by grounding these alternatives in the everyday lives and struggles of workers, women, aboriginal peoples, the unemployed, and the poor.

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El propósito de este artículo es definir la naturaleza y el proceso evolutivo del discurso del EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional) en su etapa temprana de presencia pública, de 1994 a 1996. El análisis de discurso propuesto está enfocado en identificar los parámetros por medio de los cuales los zapatistas entablan diálogos con el gobierno mexicano y con la sociedad civil nacional e internacional, en el marco de su lucha de emancipación. Dichos parámetros son identificados mediante la lectura detallada de las cuatro Declaraciones de la Selva Lacandona, las cuales, concebidas por los zapatistas como sus instrumentos privilegiados de comunicación con la sociedad civil, pueden ayudarnos a identificar el terreno en el que establecen sus bases ideológicas y operativas, como movimiento político y percibir las diferentes forma de manifestación de su proyecto político e ideológico. La metodología utilizada para realizar una lectura detallada de estos textos está influida en gran medida por la propuesta heurística de Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe, sobre el análisis de luchas políticas que intentan cuestionar y desplazar poderes y discursos hegemónicos, en el ámbito de lo político y lo ideológico.---The purpose of this article is to define the EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) discourse, its nature and the evolving process involved in its early public presence, between 1994 and 1996. The proposed discourse analysis is focused to identify the parameters used by the zapatistas to carry out dialogue processes with the Mexican Government, national and international civil society, whilst undertaking their emancipatory struggle. These parameters are identified through a close reading of the four Declarations of the Lacandona Jungle, conceived by the zapatistas as privileged instruments for the communication of their message to civil society. The latter can provide interesting insights on the ideological and operative basis of this political movement, as well as the different levels of manifestation of the zapatista political and ideological project. The methodology that is used to elaborate a detailed reading of these texts is influenced greatly by the political thought of Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mffe. Laclau and Mouffe have long reflected on the possibility of analysing political struggles that attempt to question and displace hegemonic discourse and powers in the ideological and political field. Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Both have reflected on the possibility of analysing political struggles thatattempt to question and displace hegemonic discourse and powers in the ideological and political field.

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This study aimed to map the key positions regarding the constitutionality of the Maria da Penha Law (Law 11.340/2006) in the Brazilian judicial system. The law, the result of political struggles by the Brazilian feminist movement, has been the subject of discussions in the public sphere and actions aimed at consolidating its constitutionality before the Federal Supreme Court. We examined and discussed the arguments used in the Courts, intending to show that the creation of law is not limited to the legislative moment, but rather that its social meaning is also constituted through disputes within the Judiciary.

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This work examines the connection Syndicate/teachers profession trying to unveil the important role taken over by the Syndical movement in the process of professionalization of the militant teachers. For that, it describes and analyses the historical course of three Syndicates representatives of the teachers category Associação dos Professores Licenciados da Bahia APLB; Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Pernambuco SINTEPE; Sindicato dos Servidores Municipais de Petrolina SINDSEMP acting in the micro-region of the San Francisco Valley, especially, in the municipalities of Juazeiro Bahia , and of Petrolina Pernambuco. It concentrates its interests on the contribution of the Syndicates for the professional development of these teachers in this region analysing the aspects related to emerging conflicts into the Syndical organization, to the attitude of these entities before the educational reality to their reinvindicative struggles to the formative dimension of the group actions. This study tries to answer the following questions: How has this syndical movement of teachers of state school of S. Francisco Valley been characterized? How do their actions reflect in the formation and professionalization of the teachers? Do teachers recognize the syndicate as a constructive space for the teaching profession? The methodological trajectory was directed through a qualitative approach of an etnomethodological character, using instruments for the understanding of this reality, The treatment of the data was based on the interpretative analysis of the speeches present in documents and through answers of the interviwees, having as a reference in this analysis the theoretical studies about syndicalism and the teacher professionalization. For a conceptual construction of this work it was studied these two categories from their genesis, from the social historical evolution of their concepts and the up to date discussions that give explanations about the teachers syndical movement and about the process of teachers professionalization. As thesis of this study it was defended the idea of that the teachers syndicates have contributed expressively in the process of the construction of the teacher profession of the militant teachers of this in the micro-region of the S. Francisco Valley. Once the teachers participate actively in this movement promoted by the syndical entities, the teachers develop the critical sense of the educational realty; improve their formation and reinvindicate from the State this condition as a Right; fight for better conditions in the work; reinvindicate the salary valuation and, try to construct an image of teacher basing on a professional model. The contribution of the Syndicate in the process of teachers profissionalization, is more evident in its external dimension that chacterizes the profissionalism, on the related aspects: to the forms of participation in the definition and the management of the educational politics; to the political struggles for the achievements of the professional status, to the recognition and of his eventual valuation. The syndical actions have repercussions with less intensity in the inside dimension that defines the profissionality, in the related aspects: to the administratation of the pedagogical processes in schools and in the classroom; to the acquisition of branches of knowledges; to the epistemological criticism of the acquirements mobilized in the teaching; the curricular question to the mediation that make possible the learning at school and in the classroom

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This work examines the connection Syndicate/teachers profession trying to unveil the important role taken over by the Syndical movement in the process of professionalization of the militant teachers. For that, it describes and analyses the historical course of three Syndicates representatives of the teachers category Associação dos Professores Licenciados da Bahia APLB; Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Pernambuco SINTEPE; Sindicato dos Servidores Municipais de Petrolina SINDSEMP acting in the micro-region of the San Francisco Valley, especially, in the municipalities of Juazeiro Bahia , and of Petrolina Pernambuco. It concentrates its interests on the contribution of the Syndicates for the professional development of these teachers in this region analysing the aspects related to emerging conflicts into the Syndical organization, to the attitude of these entities before the educational reality to their reinvindicative struggles to the formative dimension of the group actions. This study tries to answer the following questions: How has this syndical movement of teachers of state school of S. Francisco Valley been characterized? How do their actions reflect in the formation and professionalization of the teachers? Do teachers recognize the syndicate as a constructive space for the teaching profession? The methodological trajectory was directed through a qualitative approach of an etnomethodological character, using instruments for the understanding of this reality, The treatment of the data was based on the interpretative analysis of the speeches present in documents and through answers of the interviwees, having as a reference in this analysis the theoretical studies about syndicalism and the teacher professionalization. For a conceptual construction of this work it was studied these two categories from their genesis, from the social historical evolution of their concepts and the up to date discussions that give explanations about the teachers syndical movement and about the process of teachers professionalization. As thesis of this study it was defended the idea of that the teachers syndicates have contributed expressively in the process of the construction of the teacher profession of the militant teachers of this in the micro-region of the S. Francisco Valley. Once the teachers participate actively in this movement promoted by the syndical entities, the teachers develop the critical sense of the educational realty; improve their formation and reinvindicate from the State this condition as a Right; fight for better conditions in the work; reinvindicate the salary valuation and, try to construct an image of teacher basing on a professional model. The contribution of the Syndicate in the process of teachers profissionalization, is more evident in its external dimension that chacterizes the profissionalism, on the related aspects: to the forms of participation in the definition and the management of the educational politics; to the political struggles for the achievements of the professional status, to the recognition and of his eventual valuation. The syndical actions have repercussions with less intensity in the inside dimension that defines the profissionality, in the related aspects: to the administratation of the pedagogical processes in schools and in the classroom; to the acquisition of branches of knowledges; to the epistemological criticism of the acquirements mobilized in the teaching; the curricular question to the mediation that make possible the learning at school and in the classroom

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This study focuses on two issues, the process of subjectivity production and the exercise of friendship alongside political militancy in the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST). Friendship is here understood as the social practice with the potential to question certain modes of socially formed relationships as well as their becoming a political exercise. The political militancy phenomenon is problematized based on the subjectivity production perspective. The objective of the study was to construct acartography of the subjectivity production processes with political activists of the MST and to highlight the points in which the exercise of friendship enhances the appearance of singularity in the context of this militancy. The cartography is a research method that permits the identification of macro political, as well as micro political forces that interfere in a psychosocial context, such as the MST. The participants were members of an MST group that participated in a Pedagogy course coordinated by the Department of Education of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. The other participants were militants involved in political formation activities at the social base, as well as in the other levels of the MST in the states of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará, Minas Gerais and Paraná. The results are linked to the oscillate incorporation of the landless identity model that occurs as a group of disciplinary strategies are put in practice in the political formation activities with militants, as well as the ways of model evation are formed. This occurs to the extent that new demands and forms of invested desires beyond the land object are incorporated in the MST. Such singular processes happen in three areas of the political exercise of friendship articulation: the masses, where there is a possibility for the MST to construct a new social collectivity; gender relations, where the socially destined space for women is redimensionized and; sexual diversity, which provokes the MST to follow its potential in questioning the actual hegemonic living modes. It is therefore considered that the MST has a great opportunity to become an important mediator of contemporary social and political struggles

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Este trabalho analisa os projetos de civilização indígena elaborados no Segundo Império por quatro intelectuais que viveram na província do Pará neste período. São eles: Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan, Couto Vieira de Magalhães, Antonio Macedo Costa e José Veríssimo. Suas percepções sobre a civilização indígena são consideradas, de um lado, tendo em vista as especificidades da condição intelectual no Império, enfatizando a disposição de tais letrados no interior do campo intelectual e suas conexões com o campo de poder; de outro, são consideradas à luz da experiência social destes agentes, no que se refere às suas crenças ideológicas, seu ofício, os debates e lutas políticas nas quais estavam envolvidos, estes elementos atuaram em sua ação política e na formulação de suas idéias. Tais noções se coadunam com a vivência que eles construíram no espaço amazônico, o que contribuiu para elaboração de suas visões sobre a civilização indígena. Deste modo, as percepções sobre o indígena estavam relacionadas às atitudes políticas e intelectuais dos agentes de letras do Império, bem como, à sua experiência no Vale Amazônico.

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Pós-graduação em Ciências da Motricidade - IBRC

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Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR