990 resultados para Political myth


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Resumen: En el entramado histórico del mundo Romano, la vida política y religiosa se han visto imbricadas de modo particular. El mito político ha sido fundamental para hilvanar el devenir de los hechos históricos centrales en el modo de vida de los romanos. La caída de Roma o el fin de la Pars Occidentalis del Imperio Romano han servido de arquetipo histórico o de referente político para el resto de los Imperios del Mundo Occidental. En ese contexto se insertará este trabajo, que pretenderá echar luz a una temática rodeada por líneas historiográficas y analíticas no solo diferentes sino antagónicas. El centro de la discordia historiográfica de hoy se pondrá en sincronía con la discordia histórica de ayer, puesto que tanto los paganos como los cristianos forjaron durante la Tardo-antigüedad un mito de fin de ciclo, que le agrega una fascinación particular a esta temática. En este trabajo me abocaré a interpretar la postura del historiador romano - cristiano Paulo Orosio, quien describió su propia visión sobre los hechos que antecedieron y provocaron, la caída de Roma.

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O objetivo central dessa dissertação é investigar como se configurou o discurso anticomunista nos editoriais e colunas políticas de O Jornal entre 1935 a 1937. A quarta década do século XX foi um período marcado pelo crescente aumento do autoritarismo governamental de Getúlio Vargas, culminando na outorgação do Estado Novo, em novembro de 1937. Busca-se, portanto, através da análise das colunas políticas e dos editoriais do matutino, perceber os principais temas utilizados pelos articulistas na criação de uma imagem maligna do comunismo e dos seus adeptos, e como o periódico legitimava as ações repressivas do governo de Getúlio Vargas. Logra-se também apreender a constituição do mito político da conspiração comunista e do herói salvífico, percebido em Getúlio Vargas e da desconstrução do mito do Cavaleiro da Esperança, encarnado na figura de Luiz Carlos Prestes, principal líder comunista da época. Também se objetiva compreender o momento histórico da imprensa brasileira entre os anos 1920 e 1930, estudando, especificamente, a trajetória histórica de O Jornal e do pensamento do seu proprietário, o Sr. Assis Chateaubriand.

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O período de 1917 a 1919 foi marcado por intensa atividade reivindicatória no Brasil e no mundo, insuflada pelo clima de instabilidade global e pelo exemplo da Revolução Bolchevique. No Brasil, tal quadro repetia-se, tendo sido esse um momento de intensificação da mobilização operária, marcada por inúmeras greves que irromperam no cenário de vários centros urbanos brasileiros. Atentas a essa conjuntura, as elites políticas brasileiros não tardaram a se posicionar sobre ela. Os discursos parlamentares produzidos na Câmara dos Deputados sobre o movimento operário foram aqui objeto de análise, a fim de se determinar quais as posições presentes naquela casa legislativa sobre o tema. Duas posturas contrapostas foram identificadas: uma, majoritária, legitimadora das políticas repressivas implementadas pelos governos estaduais e federais ao movimento, calcada em uma visão em que o movimento operário era apresentado como elemento de desordem comandado por estrangeiros perniciosos; outra, minoritária, que defendia um olhar atento, por parte da instância política, sobre as reivindicações sociais, bandeiras centrais da mobilização operária. Esse embate de ideias, que se desdobrava da questão específica do operariado para outras esferas da sociedade brasileira, não foi resolvido pelo convencimento ou consenso. O olhar condenatório, produtor de um discurso que se utilizava de maneira recorrente da lógica argumentativa presente no mito político da conspiração, acaba por servir de legitimação às ações de força impostas ao movimento pelos governantes.

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La tesis se propone revisar y hacer un aporte a distintas posiciones intelectuales en torno a la categoría de mito político, desde el estudio de la génesis de la Constitución Política de 1991, derivando algunas consecuencias frente a la relación del mito con la secularización y la democracia.

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Os anos entre 1956 a 1961 foram pródigos para o desenvolvimento do Brasil. O governo JK consolidou a industrialização brasileira, criou Brasília e foi considerado um caso singular na política contemporânea, por ser o único governo civil que começou e terminou seu mandato segundo as regras constitucionais, até o período da ditadura militar. Através da rememoração, lembramos de fatos históricos, que através da narrativa da revista Manchete, contribuíram para a criação de uma imagem positiva de Juscelino Kubitschek e de seu governo. As edições constantes de sua imagem de grande estadista justificam a existência, na memória coletiva, do mito político. Sua trajetória foi caracterizada por sua simpatia, seu poder de persuasão e pela força de sua oratória durante o seu governo e posteriormente calada pela ditadura militar, implantada no Brasil em 1964. Manchete deu forma, através de suas fotorreportagens, aos acontecimentos de um país em acelerado processo de desenvolvimento, contribuindo desta maneira, com a criação do mito dos anos dourados.

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The remembrance of Rui Barbosa has always involved the maintenance of myths fabricated during his lifetime while a reappraisal of his intellectual, literary and political dimensions has been forwarded. Current essay discusses from several bibliographical samples on Brazilian social thought the manner the memory of the lawgiver from Bahia has been appropriated civically and intellectually. A qualitative and quantitative contrast was established between Barbosa’s works published and referred to and those by Joaquim Nabuco, Sílvio Romero and Gilberto Freyre. Oscillations in the evaluation of Barbosa’s works occurred during the 20th century that brought about a decrease in their value and about the memory on the historical subject.

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Former President of Finland Urho Kekkonen was not only a powerful politician but also a well-known sportsman and keep-fit enthusiast. The president’s sports hobbies were covered and celebrated in the media and thus became an integral part of his public persona. This paper looks at Kekkonen’s athletic and able-bodied image and its significance for his power from the perspective of gender. In his exercise activities, Kekkonen was able to display his bodily prowess and demonstrate his version of masculinity, which emphasized both physical and mental strength. The union of mind and muscle in turn buttressed his political ascendancy. Kekkonen’s athletic body served as a cornerstone of his dominance over his country and, simultaneously, as a shield protecting Finland from both internal and external threats. Furthermore, Kekkonen’s sports performances were essential elements in the myth that was created around the president during his term and which was carefully conserved after his fall from power. Drawing upon scholarship on men and masculinities, this paper reassesses the still-effective mythical image of Kekkonen as an invincible superman. The article reveals the performative nature of his athletic activities and shows that in part, his pre-eminence in them was nothing more than theatre enacted by him and his entourage. Thus, Kekkonen’s superior and super-masculine image was actually surprisingly vulnerable and dependent on the success of the performance. The president’s ageing, in particular, demonstrates the fragility of his displays of prowess, strength and masculinity, and shows how fragile the entanglement of body and power can be.

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Abstract: Research on the Telepinu Myth (CTH 324) has shown that it is an inexhaustibly rich document and that therefore the different, and sometimes conflicting, lines of analysis need to be pursued further. In the light of the symbolic evidence presented by this mythological tradition, we propose to focus on the privileged position granted to spatial symbols and to hypothesize the function this Myth served in specific contexts of the Hittite history, characterized by the increase and reduction of lands under Hittite jurisdiction. In this regard, we propose to evaluate the symbolic function that the Telepinu Myth displayed in order to rebuild the sacred space of the territories governed by the Hittites, when they were undergoing changes brought about by increased political and military contact with neighboring societies.

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Roberts, Owen. 'Constructing a myth of purity: the marketing of Welsh water', in: 'A history of Water. Vol. iii: the world of water', (London: I.B. Tauris, 2006), pp.254-268 RAE2008

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The Law operates by, and through, the creation of ideal benchmarks of conduct that are deemed to be representative of the behavioural norm. It is in this sense that it could be contended that the Law utilises, and relies on, myths in the same way as do other disciplines, notably psycho-analysis. It is possible to go even further and argue that the use of a created narrative mythology is essential to the establishment of a defined legal benchmark of behaviour by which the female defendant is assessed, judged and punished. While mythology expresses and symbolizes cultural and political behaviour, it is the Law that embodies and prescribes punitive sanctions. This element represents a powerful literary strand in classical mythology. This may be seen, for instance, in Antigone’s appeal to the Law as justification for her conduct, as much as in Medea’s challenge to the Law though her desire for vengeance. Despite its image of neutral, objective rationality, the Law, in creating and sustaining the ideals of legally-sanctioned conduct, engages in the same literary processes of imagination, reason and emotion that are central to the creation and re-creation of myth. The (re-)presentation of the Medea myth in literature (especially in theatre) and in art, finds its echo in the theatre of the courtroom where wronged women who have refused to passively accept their place, have instead responded with violence. Consequently, the Medea myth, in its depiction of the (un)feminine, serves as a template for the Law’s judgment of ‘conventional’ feminine conduct in the roles of wife and mother. Medea is an image of deviant femininity, as is Lady Macbeth and the countless other un-feminine literary and mythological women who challenge the power of the dominant culture and its ally, the Law. These women stand opposed to the other dominant theme of both literature and Law: the conformist woman, the passive dupe, who are victims of male oppression – women such as Ariadne of Naxos and Tess of the D’Ubervilles – and who are subsequently consumed by the Law, much as Semele is consumed by the fire of Jupiter’s gaze upon her. All of these women, the former as well as the latter, have their real-life counterparts in the pages of the Law Reports. As Fox puts it, “these women have come to bear the weight of the cultural stereotypes and preconceptions about women who kill.”

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The purpose of this study is to examine and explore the level of risk that CAMI workers confront under their existing labour-management partnership arrangement. Risk is explored using two distinct categories, distributive and political. Distributive risk is expressed as tangibly substantive, reflecting the real terms and conditions of employment, and the changing social relations of production on the floor. The second type of risk is political and is concerned with the effects that labour-management partnerships have on the displacement of unions as legitimate agents of/for workers within the workplace. Data was collected using three methods; content analysis, cross-sectional survey and focus group interviews. The study revealed that CAMI workers are exposed to both distributive and political risk under their current LMP arrangement.

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This chapter looks at three films whose Portuguese urban settings offer a privileged ground for the re-evaluation of the classical-modern-postmodern categorisation with regard to cinema. They are The State of Things (Wim Wenders, 1982), Foreign Land (Walter Salles and Daniela Thomas, 1995) and Mysteries of Lisbon (Raúl Ruiz, 2010). In them, the city is the place where characters lose their bearings, names, identities, and where vicious circles, mirrors, replicas and mise-en-abyme bring the vertiginous movement that had characterised the modernist city of 1920s cinema to a halt. Curiously, too, it is the place where so-called postmodern aesthetics finally finds an ideal home in self-ironical tales that expose the film medium’s narrative shortcomings. Intermedial devices, whether Polaroid stills or a cardboard cut-out theatre, are then resorted to in order to turn a larger-than-life reality into framed, manageable narrative miniatures. The scaled-down real, however, turns out to be a disappointing simulacrum, a memory ersatz that unveils the illusory character of cosmopolitan teleology. In my approach, I start by examining the intertwined and transnational genesis of these films that resulted in three correlated visions of the end of history and of storytelling, typical of postmodern aesthetics. I move on to consider intermedia miniaturism as an attempt to stop time within movement, an equation that inevitably brings to mind the Deleuzian movement-time binary, which I revisit in an attempt to disentangle it from the classical-modern opposition. I conclude by proposing reflexive stasis and scale reversal as the common denominator across all modern projects, hence, perhaps, a more advantageous model than modernity to signify artistic and political values.

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Since the publication of Fiske, Hodge and Turner’s Myths of Oz: Reading Australian Popular Culture (1987), Australian Cultural Studies has turned to the beach as a primary site for examining national identity and the myths of Australian culture. In the text the beach is read as a liminal site between ‘culture’ and ‘nature’, represented respectively by lifesaver and surfer. The meanings of anti-authoritarianism attached to the surfer are significant to the reading. And yet Fiske, Hodge and Turner also locate a heritage of authoritarianism, discipline and civic duty in the figure of the lifesaver: 

'Lifesavers have drills, march-pasts and patrol squads, while exercising a conservative pastoral 
interest in their members’ moral health. They are agents of social control. Further, they see themselves as servants of the community, sacrificing their weekends for others—a tradition of sacrifice dear to a nation which twice voted no to conscription in the Great War.' (Fiske et al. 1987, 64–65) 


The last sentence distils the bifocal meanings not only of the ‘culture’ of the beach but of 
Australian cultural identity more broadly, framed by contested norms of civic participation and moral values. This binary frame has been a productive starting point for analyses of national identity in Australian Cultural Studies since the 1980s. These have dropped off the radar in recent years owing to a shift away from the national field and the privileging of a transnational cultural agenda. And yet recent events in Australian politics and culture have unexpectedly re-centred national identity as an urgent issue for Cultural Studies, particularly in its use as a form of exclusion to targeted populations within the national community.

In light of these developments this article revisits Myths of Oz and its construction of surfer and lifesaver c.1987 to focus on the reordering and re-assemblage of these figures on Sydney’s beaches 20 years on. It also acknowledges that this is a process which cannot be understood in isolation from broader shifts in Australian political culture, and particularly the current obsession with national ‘values’ hinging on a strategic shift away from multicultural policies and the redefinition of the ‘fringe’ as an ethnic position.

Reflecting on these issues, this article locates a slippage between the binary framing of the surfer and lifesaver in Myths of Oz and their complex ‘relationality’ on the beach today. Specifically, it examines how the surfer has recently become co-opted into the Australian mainstream and imbued with a form of ‘governmental belonging’ (Hage 1998) once attributed to the lifesaver alone. This slippage has been enabled by the overlap betweenlocal surfie cultures and exclusivist national cultures assembled by State and federal governments; particularly as both draw upon a normative frame that opposes the meanings of white belonging to Muslim groupings within the nation.

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Questioning the distinction between ‘cold’ and ‘hot’ societies, and an implied separation between myth and history, anthropologists have increasingly urged for an understanding of both myth and history as equally valid modes of shared social consciousness. This article takes up this point of view by referring to a written history of Lhagang, a town in Eastern Tibet; a history that appears to have the transformative content and oral circulation of myth. Using Lévi-Strauss’ structural analysis of myth and Santos-Granero's concept of topograms to demonstrate the mythemes that derive from the written history and circulate among Lhagang Tibetans, the article argues that, within the political and cultural context of Lhagang, myth and history shift in and out of indigenous categories even while being categorically distinct.