The cognitive mobilization index: crises and political generations

This article shows how the cognitive mobilization index, designed for use in observing potential political participation, can be used as an indicator of the political climate that a particular society is going through. Following a discussion of the theoretical elaborations (and their working definitions) of the concept of cognitive mobilization, a longitudinal study of various European countries is used to consider the question of how political crises influence cognitive mobilization indexes and what effects they have on the political socialization process among the youngest cohorts.

An Introduction to Political Communication, 5th Edition

An Introduction to Political Communication introduces students to the complex relationship between politics, the media and democracy in the United Kingdom, United States and other contemporary societies. Brian McNair examines how politicians, trade unions, pressure groups, NGOs and terrorist organisations make use of the media. Individual chapters look at political media and their effects, the work of political advertising, marketing and public relations, and the communicative practices of organizations at all levels, from grass-root campaigning through to governments and international bodies. This fifth edition has been revised and updated to include: • the 2008 US presidential election, and the early years of Barack Obama’s term • the MPs’ expenses scandal in Britain, and the 2010 UK election campaign • the growing role of bloggers and online pundits such as Guido Fawkes in the political agenda setting process • the emergence of social media platforms such as Twitter, YouTube and Facebook, and their destabiising impact on the management of political crises all over the world, including the Iranian pro-reform protests of July 2009 and the Israeli atack on the anti-blockade flotilla of May 2010 • the growing power of Wikileaks and other online information sources to challenge state control of classified information

Communication and Political Crisis: Media, Politics and Governance in a Globalized Public Sphere

Communication and Political Crisis explores the role of the global media in a period of intensifying geopolitical conflict. Through case studies drawn from domestic and international political crises such as the conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine, leading media scholar Brian McNair argues that the digitized, globalized public sphere now confronted by all political actors has produced new opportunities for social progress and democratic reform, as well as new channels for state propaganda and terrorist spectaculars such as those performed by the Islamic State and Al Qaeda. In this major work, McNair argues that the role of digital communication will be crucial in determining the outcome of pressing global issues such as the future of feminism and gay rights, freedom of speech and media, and democracy itself.

Political instability, institutional quality and social conflict in the Andes

Includes bibliography

The Literature of Disaffection: Political Dysphoria and British Modernism after 1930

This dissertation argues that “disaffection” is an overlooked but foundational posture of mid-twentieth-century British and Anglophone literature. Previously misdiagnosed as quietism or apathy, disaffection instead describes how many late modernist writers mediated between their ideological misgivings and the pressure to respond to dire political crises, from the Second World War to the creation of new postcolonial nations. Stylists of disaffection—such as Henry Green, Virginia Woolf, Elizabeth Bowen, and V. S. Naipaul—grappled with how limiting cultural assumptions, for instance, about class and nation, seemed to inhere in particular aesthetic techniques like stream of consciousness or realism. Disaffected literature appeals to but then disrupts a given technique’s projection of these assumptions and the social totality that they imagine. This literary “bait-and-switch” creates a feeling of dysphoria whereby readers experience a text unnervingly different from what they had been led to expect. Recognizing the formative work of literary disaffection in late modernism offers an original way to conceptualize the transition between modernist and postmodernist literature in the twentieth century.

Beyond Criminal Justice: An anthology of abolitionist papers presented to conferences of the European Group for the Study of Deviance and Social Control over the past decade

Beyond Criminal Justice presents a vision of a future without brutal, authoritarian and repressive penal regimes. Many of the papers brought together here have been unavailable for more than two decades. Their republication indicates not only their continuing theoretical importance to abolitionist studies but also how they provide important insights into the nature and legitimacy of criminal processes in the here and now. Contributors highlight the human consequences of the harms of imprisonment, evidencing the hurt, injury and damage of penal incarceration across a number of different countries in Europe. Focusing on penal power and prisoner contestation to such power, the moral and political crises of imprisonment are laid bare. The contributors to Beyond Criminal Justice explore the urgent need for a coherent, rational and morally and politically sophisticated theoretical basis for penal abolitionism. Advocating a utopian imagination and at the same time practical solutions already implemented in countries around Europe - alongside grappling with controversial debates such as abolitionist responses to rape and sexual violence - the book steps outside of common sense assumptions regarding 'crime', punishment and 'criminal justice'. Beyond Criminal Justice will be of interest to students of criminology, zemiology, sociology, penology and critical legal studies as well as anyone interested in rethinking the problem of 'crime' and challenging the logic of the penal rationale.

Introduction: the impact of the 'War on Terror' on executive–legislative relations: a global perspective

In democratic polities, constitutional equilibria or balances of power between the executive and the legislature shift over time. Normative and empirical political theorists have long recognised that war, civil unrest, economic and political crises, terrorist attacks, and other events strengthen the power of the executive, disrupt and threaten constitutional politics, and damage democratic institutions: crises require swift action and executives are thought to be more capable than parliaments and legislatures of taking such actions. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the ensuing so-called 'war on terror' declared by President Bush clearly constituted a crisis, not only in the United States but also in other political systems, in part because of the US's hegemonic position in defining and shaping many other states' foreign and domestic policies. Dicey, Schmitt, and Rossiter suggest that critical events and political crises inevitably trigger the concentration of (emergency) powers in the hands of the executive. Aristotle and Machiavelli questioned the inevitability of this process. This article and the articles that follow in this Special Issue utilise empirical evidence, through the use of case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, Australia, Israel, Italy and Indonesia, to address this debate. Specifically, the issue explores to what extent the external shock or crisis of 9/11 (and other terrorist attacks) and the ensuing 'war on terror' significantly changed the balance of executive-legislative relations from t (before the crisis) to t+1 (after the crisis) in these political systems, all of which were the targets of actual or foiled terrorist attacks. The most significant findings are that the shock of 9/11 and the 'war on terror' elicited varied responses by national executives and legislatures/parliaments and thus the balance of executive-legislative relations in different political systems; that, therefore, executive-legislative relations are positive rather than zero-sum; and that domestic political contexts conditioned these institutional responses.

La politique des nationalités : vecteur d’expansion internationale du Second Empire français (1859-1868)

Mémoire de maîtrise utilisant les archives trouvées aux Archives Nationales de France ( AN section Paris), aux archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères de France (AMAE) et celles du fond d'archives Colonna Walewski (ACW).

L'évolution de la réponse normative de l'OIT en situation de crise économique et financière

De l’avis de nombreux observateurs, le monde a connu en 2008 une crise économique sans précédent depuis la Grande dépression des années trente. Au premier chef des victimes de ces dérives de l’économie globale figurent les travailleurs du monde entier. Investie depuis 1919 d’un mandat de protection à l’égard de ces derniers, l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) se doit d’être une force de propositions en ces périodes difficiles. La présente étude se propose d’analyser l’évolution des réponses normatives produites par l’OIT au lendemain des crises économiques et financières mondiales depuis sa création. Il s’agira également de mettre en corrélation le degré d’audace de l’Organisation et la composition de la scène internationale qui préside à chacune des époques considérées. Le premier chapitre sera pour nous l’occasion de montrer comment l’OIT, née dans un contexte de crise économique dans les années vingt puis confrontée en 1930 à une autre crise majeure, a su tirer profit de ces situations qui confirment sa raison d’être et la pousse à s’enquérir de nouvelles compétences (chapitre I). Nous ferons ensuite étape dans une époque marquée par la prolifération de nouvelles organisations internationales avec lesquelles l’OIT entre en concurrence : l’ère onusienne. Nous verrons comment la position de l’Organisation sur la scène internationale influe sur sa réactivité face aux crises économiques et politiques du moment (chapitre II). Forts de ces considérations historiques, nous serons enfin à même de comprendre la souplesse normative caractérisant la réaction de l’OIT face à la crise de 2008. Nous serons également en mesure de comprendre comment cette crise historique a modifié l’ordre mondial et influé sur la position de l’Organisation dans l’agencement international (chapitre III).

Análisis de la injerencia de la política de la lucha contra el terrorismo en la construccion de política exterior.caso de estudio Pakistan y Ucrania

Este trabajo, contiene una aproximación al fenómeno de la guerra contra el terrorismo, bajo el concepto de Estado Esquizofrénico, que supone el condicionamiento de algunas acciones de los Estados en su interacción en el sistema internacional.

La UNASUR y su accionar frente a conflictos internacionales (Tema Central)

Este artículo se centra en el papel de UNASUR frente a las diversas crisis nacionales e internacionales que ha vivido Suramérica desde 2008. Igualmente, analiza su accionar en dos casos concretos: Ecuador en 2010 y Paraguay en 2012, que son ejemplos extremos de la vulnerabilidad institucional prevaleciente en la región. Se evidencia, además, que el proceso de resolución de conflictos es un tema frágil en la agenda política e institucional de UNASUR que se vincula, sobre todo, con la defensa de la democracia y el mantenimiento de la paz, factores importantes para los Estados.

Shot by both sides: Punk, politics and the end of “Consensus”

This article examines the ways in which political organisations of the far left and far right responded to punk-informed youth culture in Britain during the late 1970s. It examines how both tried to understand punk within their own ideological framework, particularly in relation to the perceived socio-economic and political crises of the late 1970s, before then endeavouring to appropriate—or use—punk for their own ends. Ultimately, however, the article suggests that while punk may indeed be seen as a cultural response to the breakdown of what some have described as the post-war ‘consensus’ in the 1970s, the far left and far right's focus on cultural expression cut across the basic foundations on which they had been built. Consequently, neither left nor right proved able to provide an effective political conduit through which the disaffections expressed by punk could be channelled.

Reforma do Estado e o setor de infra-estrutura no Brasil durante o período 1990-2002

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

The economy, conflict and governance in Colombia

Includes bibliography

Poverty, inequality and public policy in the Andean region: a comparative perspective

Includes bibliography