Resources for security and stability? The politics of regional cooperation on the Mekong, 1957-2001

This article tells about the relationship between resource politics and security in international relations. Using the Mekong River Basin as its case study, the article examines the place of resource and development issues in attempts to develop regional institutions. The question of whether a resource development regime with apparently low productivity in terms of technical output, but high levels of resilience and longevity, should be considered a failure or not, is considered. This question is examined within the broader context of Southeast Asian politics during the First, Second, and Third Indochina conflicts as well as the post-cold war era. The article argues that survival and a capacity to change to meet the challenges of extreme broader events are clear evidence of regime success. From this standpoint, the article explores ways in which the Mekong resource regime is linked to more general concerns for political security and stability and may in fact reflect political concerns for subregional neighborhood maintenance.

Incidencias de la Política de Seguridad Democrática del gobierno de Álvaro Uribe en las relaciones bilaterales con Venezuela. 2002-2008

La investigación analiza las incidencias de la Política de Seguridad Democrática del gobierno de Álvaro Uribe Velez en los escenarios de seguridad política y militar de las relaciones con Venezuela, desde el 2002 hasta el 2008.

Prevención comunitaria del delito en América Latina: desafíos y oportunidades

En la última década la prevención del delito se ha colocado en el debate académico y político de seguridad en América Latina. El involucramiento de la comunidad en este tipo de iniciativas ha tenido especial énfasis, sin embargo, las mismas han sido enfrentadas de forma confusa. Esta situación permite la consolidación de un discurso autoritario sobre la delincuencia y, a su vez, la aparición de procesos negativos como los linchamientos de supuestos delincuentes, actos que se presentan en la mayoría de países latinoamericanos. En este marco, el presente artículo define una aproximación conceptual a la participación comunitaria del delito, rescatando algunas prácticas prometedoras, así como identificando los principales desafíos pendientes para lograr una perspectiva integral y efectiva en la disminución de la violencia y la delincuencia.-----The prevention of the crime has been placed in the center of the academic and political security debate in Latin America. The involvement of the community has had special emphasis in this type of initiatives, nevertheless it has been faced not in a clear form. This situation encourages the consolidation of an authoritarian discourse and at the same time the emergence of negative processes such as lynching of supposed delinquents in many Latin-American countries nowadays. The present article defines a conceptual framework for community crime prevention, including some promising practices as well as identifying the main pending challenges to achieve an integral and effective perspective on violence and crime prevention.

El Norte de Africa y el Sahel y la Estrategia Global de Seguridad de la Unión Europea

El objetivo del artículo es exponer una adecuada y necesaria redefinición de la política de la UE hacia el Norte de África y el Sahel, tanto en términos geográficos como en términos estratégicos de acuerdo con lo expuesto en la nueva Estrategia Global Europea. En este sentido, se revisarán los postulados y la evolución de la antigua Estrategia Europea de Seguridad (EES) y su consiguiente Política de Vecindad (ENP), en comparación con la recién lanzada Estrategia. La nueva Estrategia es concebida como una guía para el desarrollo de la política exterior y de seguridad que la UE ha de llevar a cabo, inter alia, en su periferia. Lamentablemente su concepción de esta zona regional resulta anclada en el pasado.

Between Nation and State: Albanian Associations from Ottoman Origins to a Communist Party, 1880 - 1945

This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.

Incidencia del proyecto “ASEAN community” en el desarrollo humano de Tailandia (2004-2014)

Esta investigación se interesa en evaluar los logros y retos que ha presentado el proyecto ASEAN Community en cada una de sus tres áreas de acción (Comunidad económica, comunidad de política y seguridad, y comunidad socio-cultural) ante su aplicación en Tailandia. De esta manera, se busca analizar la incidencia que ha tenido el proyecto en el Desarrollo Humano de Tailandia durante el periodo 2004-2014. A través del análisis del estatus actual a la luz del concepto de libertades instrumentales se realiza la evaluación de los resultados de los proyectos y su conveniencia o no para el desarrollo humano de la sociedad tailandesa.

El rol de las redes de apoyo transnacional en la evolución del régimen de trata de personas en la región del mekong, 2004-2015

Con el fin de la unipolaridad no sólo se fortalecieron mecanismos de gobernanza global como los Regímenes Internacionales, sino también se fortalecieron actores no estatales. A pesar de la importancia que tomaron estos dos elementos aún no existe una teoría que explique exhaustivamente la relación que existe entre ellos. Es por lo anterior que, la investigación busca responder de qué manera el rol de las Redes de Apoyo Transnacional ha incidido en la evolución del régimen de tráfico de personas en la Región del Mekong. Asimismo tiene como objetivo comprender las relación entre el Régimen y las Redes de Apoyo Transnacional a través de la formulación de un caso de estudio basado en metodologías cualitativas, específicamente, en el análisis teórico-constructivista y el análisis de contenido de documentos producidos por actores estatales y no estatales.

Governing the water conservation in the Urmia Lake Basin: addressing macro systems’ fit and micro users’ behavior

To change unadapted water governing systems, and water users’ traditional conducts in line with climate change, understanding of systems’ structures and users’ behaviors is necessary. To this aim, comprehensive and pragmatic research was designed and implemented in the Urmia Lake Basin where due to the severe droughts, and human-made influences, especially through the agricultural development, the lake has been shrunken drastically. To analyze the water governance and conservation issues in the basin, an innovative framework was developed based on mathematical physics concepts and pro-environmental behavior theories. Accordingly, in system level (macro/meso), the problem of fit of the early-shaped water governing system associating with the function of “political-security” and “political-economic” factors in the basin was identified through mean-field models. Furthermore, the effect of a “political-environmental” factor, the Urmia Lake Restoration Program (ULRP), on reforming the system structure and hence its fit was assessed. The analysis results revealed that by revising the provincial boundaries (horizontal alternation) for the entity of Kurdistan province to permit that interact with the headquarter of West Azerbaijan province for its water demand-supply initiatives, the system fit can increase. Also, the constitution of the ULRP (vertical arrangement) not only could increase the structural fit of the water governing system to the basin, but also significantly could enhance the system fit through its water-saving policy. Besides, in individual level (micro), the governing factors of water conservation behavior of the major users/farmers were identified through rational and moral socio-psychological models. In rational approach, incorporating PMT and TPB, the SEM results demonstrated that “Perceived Vulnerability”, “Self-Efficacy”, “Response Efficacy”, “Response Cost”, “Subjective Norms” and “Institutional Trust” significantly affect the water-saving intention/behavior. Likewise, NAM based analysis as a moral approach, uncovered the significant effects of “Awareness of Consequences”, “Appraisal of Responsibility”, “Personal Norms” as well as “Place Attachment” and “Emotions” on water-saving intention.

Social security in theory and practice (I): Facts and political theories

166 countries have some kind of public old age pension. What economic forcescreate and sustain old age Social Security as a public program? We document some of the internationally and historically common features of Social Security programs including explicit and implicit taxes on labor supply, pay-as-you-go features, intergenerational redistribution, benefits which areincreasing functions of lifetime earnings and not means-tested. We partition theories of Social Security into three groups: "political", "efficiency" and "narrative" theories. We explore three political theories in this paper: the majority rational voting model (with its two versions: "the elderly as the leaders of a winning coalition with the poor" and the "once and for all election" model), the "time-intensive model of political competition" and the "taxpayer protection model". Each of the explanations is compared with the international and historical facts. A companion paper explores the "efficiency" and "narrative" theories, and derives implicationsof all the theories for replacing the typical pay-as-you-go system with a forced savings plan.