Why did democracy become the preferred political regime only in the twentieth century?

A Democracia Tornou-Se a Forma Preferida de Governo Apenas no Século Vinte. a Busca por Motivos Racionais para Entendermos a Razão não é Suficiente. o Autor Procura por um Fato Histórico Novo que Tenha Levado a Essa Mudança de Preferência, Baseado Sucessivamente na Revolução Capitalista e na Perda Gradual do Medo da Expropriação Pela Burguesia. a Revolução Capitalista que Mudou o Modo de Apropriação do Excedente, da Violência para o Mercado, é a Primeira Condição Necessária. Representa Também a Transição do Estado Absoluto para o Estado Liberal. a Segunda Condição é o Desaparecimento do Medo da Expropriação, Permitindo a Transição do Regime Liberal para o Regime Liberal-Democrático. Depois de Estabelecer Estas Duas Condições, ou Estes Dois Fatos Históricos Novos, o Regime Democrático Tornou-Se Rational Choice para Todas as Classes. para os Capitalistas, Democracia é Agora a Forma de Governo que Melhor Assegura o Direito À Propriedade e Aos Contratos. para os Trabalhadores, é a Forma de Governo que Melhor Assegura o Aumento de Salários com Lucros

Inequality, fiscal capacity and the political regime: lessons from the post-communist transition

Using panel data for twenty-seven post-communist economies between 1987-2003, we examine the nexus of relationships between inequality, fiscal capacity (defined as the ability to raise taxes efficiently) and the political regime. Investigating the impact of political reform we find that full political freedom is associated with lower levels of income inequality. Under more oligarchic (authoritarian) regimes, the level of inequality is conditioned by the state’s fiscal capacity. Specifically, oligarchic regimes with more developed fiscal systems are able to defend the prevailing vested interests at a lower cost in terms of social injustice. This empirical finding is consistent with the model developed by Acemoglu (2006). We also find that transition countries undertaking early macroeconomic stabilisation now enjoy lower levels of inequality; we confirm that education fosters equality and the suggestion of Commander et al (1999) that larger countries are prone to higher levels of inequality.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.

The Political Economy of Resource Rent Distribution

I model the link between political regime and level of diversification following a windfall of natural resource revenues. The explanatory variables I make use of are the political support functions embedded within each type of regime and the disparate levels of discretion, openness, transparency, and accountability of government. I show that a democratic government seeks to maximize the long-term consumption path of the representative consumer, in order to maximize its chances of re-election, while an authoritarian government, in the absence of any electoral mechanism of accountability, seeks to buy off and entrench a group of special interests loyal to the government and potent enough to ensure its short-term survival. Essentially the contrast in the approaches towards resource rent distribution comes down to a variation in political weights on aggregate welfare and rentierist special interests endogenized by distinct political support functions.

Self-organized sociopolitical interactions as the best way to achieve organized patterns in human social systems: going beyond the top-down control of classical political regimes

La monografía presenta la auto-organización sociopolítica como la mejor manera de lograr patrones organizados en los sistemas sociales humanos, dada su naturaleza compleja y la imposibilidad de las tareas computacionales de los regímenes políticos clásico, debido a que operan con control jerárquico, el cual ha demostrado no ser óptimo en la producción de orden en los sistemas sociales humanos. En la monografía se extrapola la teoría de la auto-organización en los sistemas biológicos a las dinámicas sociopolíticas humanas, buscando maneras óptimas de organizarlas, y se afirma que redes complejas anárquicas son la estructura emergente de la auto-organización sociopolítica.

Regime político e participação do legislativo na determinação da taxa de câmbio de países que conviveram com elevada inflação e persistentes déficits em transações correntes: os casos de Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, México e Peru entre 1970 e 1989

O objetivo deste artigo é verificar a influência de variáveis políticas na determinação da taxa de câmbio em quatro países latino-americanos que conviveram com elevada inflação e déficit em Transações Correntes nas décadas de setenta e oitenta. Estudos empíricos já haviam demonstrado a influência das eleições. Nenhum, porém, havia incorporado a estrutura de decisão do Executivo e Legislativo neste processo. Só foi possível incorporar o regime político (Autoritário/Democrático) e a divisão de poder no Legislativo de todos os países num modelo standard de taxa de câmbio porque utilizamos a técnica de painel. Obtivemos os seguintes resultados: países classificados como Autoritários apresentaram uma taxa de câmbio mais valorizada e Legislativos mais fragmentados apresentaram uma taxa de câmbio mais desvalorizada. Vimos este último resultado com desconfiança uma vez que, entre os países da amostra, o regime Autoritário era, em alguns casos, uma ditadura militar e o Legislativo pouco intervia nas decisões. Interagimos o regime político com fragmentação e percebemos que o efeito da classificação do regime predomina. No caso, se existir um regime Autoritário, o câmbio resultante da interação ainda será valorizado. A divisão de poder no Legislativo apenas provoca uma redução no impacto da valorização.

Visões de um objeto incômodo: o regime militar brasileiro

O presente artigo visa a qualificação do regime político vigente no Brasil entre 1964-1985. Para tanto, desenvolvo o resgate do conceito de ditadura, especialmente a partir da obra de Carl Schimitt, e busco aferir a sua adequação à análise do período militar.

O pensamento político em Eurípides / Euripides” political thought

No sempre reconhecido realismo euripidiano se inclui um envolvimento político. É notável o elogio a Atenas, seja a seu passado ilustre, seja a seu papel no mundo grego. Entretanto a guerra a que Atenas se atira e que faz enfraquecer a Grécia é condenada, pois a defesa de Atenas, concretizada na defesa de seu regime político, a democracia, não inclui a defesa do imperialismo ateniense. Assim, acima de Eurípides patriota se ergue o Eurípides humanista, preocupado com as responsabilidades do ser humano, não apenas do cidadão. Eurípides’ acknowledge realism includes a political involvement. The eulogy of Athens is remarkable both regarding her illustrious past and her role in the greek world. The war in which Athens is engaged and which weakens Greece, however, is condemned, for Athens’ defense, made real in the defense of her political regime, democracy, does not include the defense of Athenian imperialism. Thus, Euripides the patriot is excelled by Euripides the humanist, who is more concerned with the responsibilities of the human being, than with those of the citizen’s.

The Socioeconomic Background of the Divergence of Belarusian and Ukrainian Political Systems

The aim of this paper is to analyze the political, social and economic background of the divergence of Belarusian and Ukrainian transitions. We focus on Belarus in order to find explanation for questions such as why could Lukashenko remain the authoritarian leader of Belarus, while in Ukraine the position of the political elite had proved less stable and collapsed in 2004. On the theoretical framework of elite-sociology, we seek to determine whether the internal factors (as macroeconomic conditions, standard of living, the oppressive nature of the political system and the structure of the political elite) play a significant role in the operation of the domino effect. This article emphasises the determining role of immanent internal factors, thus the political stability in Belarus can be explained by the role of the suppressing political regime, the hindrance of democratic rights and the relatively good living conditions that followed the transformational recession. Whilst in Ukraine, the markedly different circumstances brought forth the success of the Orange Revolution.

The multiple dimensions of political trust in democratic Argentina

Why do Argentines continue to support democracy despite distrusting political institutions and politicians? Support for democracy is high even though performance of the regime is poor. One would suspect that poor economic and political performance would open the door for military intervention given the history of Argentina. What changed? What explains variance across the multiple dimensions of political trust, such as trust in the regime, trust in political institutions, and trust in politicians? This dissertation is a case study of political culture through public opinion exploring the multiple dimensions of political trust in Argentina during the 1990s. ^ Variance across the different dimensions of political trust may be an indicator of the rise of a new type of citizens called "critical citizens." Critical citizens are citizens who criticize the regime to obtain democratic reforms but support the ideals of democracy. In established democracies, the rise of critical citizens is explained by a shift in individuals' value priorities towards postmaterialism. Postmaterialism is a cultural change in the direction of values that emphasize self-realization and individual well-being. Postmaterialism influences various social and political attitudes. ^ Because Argentina is experiencing a cultural change and a rise of critical citizens similar to more advanced societies, the theory of postmaterialism generated the main hypothesis to explain the multiple dimensions of political trust. This dissertation also tested an alternative explanation: the multiple dimensions of political trust responded instead to citizens' evaluations of performance. Ultimately, postmaterialism explained trust in the political regime and trust in the political institutions. Contrary to expectations, postmaterialism did not explain trust in the political elites or politicians. Trust in politicians was better explained by the alternative hypothesis, performance. ^ The main method of research was the statistical method supplemented with the comparative method when data were available. Two main databases were used: the World Values Surveys and the Latinobarometer. ^

Accumulation and Gaps in the Research on Argentine Rock

Based on a comprehensive study in research centers and libraries, a panorama of the critical response to Argentine rock in academic circles has been traced in various fields of knowledge. Research works including books, trade magazines, and academic papers on this musical movement spanning four decades have been consulted. The results show that the criticism has generated a ""developing tradition"" around the movement, mainly in the Social and Communication Sciences, and it has presented the following predominant traits: approaching rock essentially as a determinant of ""social identities""; periodization in the genre according to political regime: and analysis of the lyrics based solely on content. These traits contribute to a delimitation of rock as an exclusive phenomenon of the mass media, which relegates to secondary importance its aesthetic function and its relationship with other artistic series. Furthermore, we have observed a scarcity of approaches to rock lyrics as a linguistic-discursive surface.

Dois tempos, dois espaços: a educação retratada no plano dos centenários (1940/50) e no projecto DEEB (1960/70)

RESUMO: Esta investigação é fundamentalmente um trabalho baseado numa análise documental e arquitectónica de duas escolas primárias construídas em duas épocas diferentes, mas ambas integradas num mesmo período político. Saber se o Projecto do Plano dos Centenários e o Projecto DEEB se adequaram às realidades educativas, no seu percurso temporal, foi o ponto de partida para uma pesquisa geral sobre a situação económica, política e social do país, desde a década de 1940 até finais da década de 1960, possibilitando a caracterização e comparação daqueles Projectos na sua interligação com as concepções educativas e a construção escolar. Fez-se a consulta das obras e dos projectos da época em estudo com o objectivo de analisar e interpretar o processo de criação, mas também de situar historicamente os factos arquitectónicos na sua intersecção com os educativos, com vista à concretização de uma pesquisa no tempo, de dois espaços, ou seja, desde um Projecto-Tipo de uma escola primária, em Cascais, do Plano dos Centenários até ao Projecto-Piloto da escola primária de Mem Martins com base no Projecto DEEB. Por outro lado, as contribuições a nível nacional e internacional trouxeram elementos de mudança e constituíram-se como referências básicas na transformação geral da arquitectura e da pedagogia portuguesa. ABSTRACT: This investigation is mainly a piece based in an architectonic and documental analysis of two elementary schools, both built in different periods, but belonging to the same political regime. Knowing if the Plano dos Centenários (Centenary’s Project) and the Projecto DEEB (DEEB Project) fit the educative realities, in terms of time, was the starting point for a general research about the economical, political, and social situation of the Country from the beginning of the 40s till the end of the 60s, thus allowing to describe and compare those projects in terms of interconnection with the educative ideas and the school building. With the purpose of not only analyzing and explaining how it started, but also to historically locate the architectonic events in their intersection with the educative ones, the building sites and the projects of the period being studied were examined, in order to timeresearch both spaces, i.e. since a Type-Project of and elementary school, in Cascais, from the Plano dos Centenários (Centenary’s Project) till the Test-School of the Mem Martins’ elementary school, based in the Projecto DEEB (DEEB Project). On the other hand, both National and International contributions have introduced changing elements, which became essential references in the general transformation of the Portuguese architecture and Pedagogy.

Beyond the income inequality hypothesis and human health: a worldwide exploration

OBJECTIVE: To analyze whether the relationship between income inequality and human health is mediated through social capital, and whether political regime determines differences in income inequality and social capital among countries. METHODS: Path analysis of cross sectional ecological data from 110 countries. Life expectancy at birth was the outcome variable, and income inequality (measured by the Gini coefficient), social capital (measured by the Corruption Perceptions Index or generalized trust), and political regime (measured by the Index of Freedom) were the predictor variables. Corruption Perceptions Index (an indirect indicator of social capital) was used to include more developing countries in the analysis. The correlation between Gini coefficient and predictor variables was calculated using Spearman's coefficients. The path analysis was designed to assess the effect of income inequality, social capital proxies and political regime on life expectancy. RESULTS: The path coefficients suggest that income inequality has a greater direct effect on life expectancy at birth than through social capital. Political regime acts on life expectancy at birth through income inequality. CONCLUSIONS: Income inequality and social capital have direct effects on life expectancy at birth. The "class/welfare regime model" can be useful for understanding social and health inequalities between countries, whereas the "income inequality hypothesis" which is only a partial approach is especially useful for analyzing differences within countries.