809 resultados para Political Inheritance


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Résumé La démonstration qui est ici à l’œuvre s’apparente, dans une certaine mesure, à celle qu’élabore Amartya Kumar Sen dans 'The Argumentative Indian'. Dans cet ouvrage, Sen discute de l’héritage intellectuel et politique de l’Inde et de la manière dont cette tradition est essentielle pour le succès de la démocratie et des politiques séculières de l’État indien. Pour notre part, nous ne nous intéressons point à l’Inde, mais à la Chine, notamment à l’héritage intellectuel, politique et moral des lettrés confucéens de l’Antiquité chinoise et à la pertinence de revisiter, aujourd’hui, la réflexion confucéenne classique pour mieux penser et fonder les droits humains en Chine. Plus précisément, notre réflexion s’inscrit au sein du débat contemporain, qui a lieu à l’échelle internationale, entourant les soi-disant valeurs asiatiques et les droits humains. Pour les partisans de la thèse des valeurs asiatiques, les valeurs asiatiques seraient associées au modèle de développement dit asiatique, lequel se distinguerait du modèle « occidental » en étant en outre réfractaire aux droits humains. Ces droits ayant une origine occidentale et étant, à maints égards, en rupture avec les valeurs asiatiques, ils ne seraient ni souhaitables en Asie (notamment en Chine) ni compatibles avec les valeurs asiatiques (spécialement avec les valeurs confucéennes). Dans notre thèse, nous réfutons ce point de vue. Par l’entremise d’une analyse de la 'Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme' de 1948 et d’un examen des quatre textes fondateurs du confucianisme classique que sont : les 'Entretiens' (Lunyu), le 'Mencius' (Mengzi), la 'Grande Étude' (Daxue) et la 'Pratique du Milieu' (Zhongyong), nous démontrons que cette compréhension des choses s’avère injustifiée. Les droits humains ne sont pas incompatibles avec les valeurs confucéennes et leur adoption est souhaitable en Asie (notamment en Chine), tout comme elle l’est en Occident. De fait, la philosophie des droits humains et la pensée confucéenne classique ont de nombreuses affinités conceptuelles, axiologiques et normatives. Loin d’être en rupture, ces univers théoriques convergent, car ils ont tous deux à cœur l’être humain, ses besoins vitaux et son épanouissement au sein de la communauté. Notre démonstration s’appuie, pour une large part, sur l’analyse d’un concept phare de la pensée éthique et politique confucéenne, soit la notion d’humanité ou du sens de l’humain (ren) ainsi que d’une autre notion qui lui est étroitement liée, soit celle de l’homme de bien ou de la personne moralement noble (junzi).

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The proposal of this study was to work with women in the politics, focusing on their trajectories, biographies and speeches, to catch the meanings given by themselves to their insertion in the political field. The privileged instrument of research was the autobiographical narratives of fifteen women who, in Paraíba, had participated of the electoral processes and the life partisan politics in the period from 1998 to 2008, in the state and federal scopes. This permitted us to search the dimension of their lived expericence, to understand the trajectories and the processes of autonomation of the women, in the politics. Moreover, a quantitative mapping of the feminine presence in the processes was made electoral politicians in a wider context. In a similar way, two surveys had been carried throughout the research, among others aspects, to understand that image voters and politicians they construct concerning the feminine participation in this field. These instruments were important not to lose of all the social view where these lives were developed, the places from which these women speak and locate and the social meanings originated from this participation. The research aimed to establish dialogues between knowing and fields of discipline, beyond the dichotomy of actor/structure, preventing generalizations that ignore the plurality of the individuals, to reveal some aspects of the complex and contradictory processes that involve their participation in the political field. At last, it is tried to show that, although the frequent accusations of autonomy lack, when establishing relations in the public space, the women, as all subjects, can reflect about themselves, the motives of their thoughts and their actions escaping from the servitude of the repetition and avoid being only product of the institution that formed them (CASTORIADIS, 1992, p.140-141)

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Interjurisdictional competition over mobile tax bases is an easily understood mechanism, but actual tax-base elasticities are difficult to estimate. Political pressure for reducing tax rates could therefore be based on erroneous estimates of the mobility of tax bases. We show that tax competition provided the overwhelmingly dominant argument in the policy debates leading to a succession of reforms of bequest taxation by Swiss cantons. Yet, we find only very weak statistical evidence of a relationship between tax burdens on bequests and the concerned tax base of wealthy elderly individuals. Moreover, inheritance tax revenues are found to increase in inheritance tax rates even in the long run, and actual tax rates lie well below the revenue-maximising levels throughout. The alleged pressures of tax competition did not seem in reality to exist.

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During the first half of 2006 the city of Sao Paulo suffered three series of violent attacks against the security forces, civilians, and the government. The violent campaign also included a massive rebellion in prisons and culminated in the kidnapping of a journalist and the broadcast of a manifesto from the criminal organization PCC threatening the police and the government. Right after, the main device used to contain organized crime in the prisons was declared unconstitutional. This episode represents a prototypical example of the use of media-focused terrorism by organized crime for projection into the political communication arena.

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The aim of this study is to describe the changes in nursing education during the process prior to and after the establishment of democracy in Spain. It begins with the hypothesis that differences in social and political organization influenced the way the system of nursing education evolved, keeping it in line with neopositivistic schemes and exclusively technical approaches up until the advent of democracy. The evolution of a specific profile for nursing within the educational system has been shaped by the relationship between the systems of social and political organization in Spain. To examine the insertion of subjects such as the anthropology of healthcare into education programs for Spanish nursing, one must consider the cultural, intercultural and transcultural factors that are key to understanding the changes in nursing education that allowed for the adoption of a holistic approach in the curricula. Until the arrival of democracy in 1977, Spanish nursing education was solely technical in nature and the role of nurses was limited to the tasks and procedures defined by the bureaucratic thinking characteristic of the rational-technological paradigm. Consequently, during the long period prior to democracy, nursing in Spain was under the influence of neopositivistic and technical thinking, which had its effect on educational curricula. The addition of humanities and anthropology to the curricula, which facilitated a holistic approach, occurred once nursing became a field of study at the university level in 1977, a period that coincided with the beginnings of democracy in Spain.

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Inheritance of resistance to Puccinia psidii G. Winter in a eucalyptus interspecific hybrid progeny evaluated under conditions of natural infection Rust caused by the fungus Puccinia psidii is currently the most important disease of eucalyptus. It is widely disseminated in Brazil, and causes serious damage in nurseries and plantation areas. The identification of resistant germplasm along with knowledge of the genetic basis of resistance heredity are the first requirements for the success of breeding programs aiming to develop resistant varieties. Earlier studies carried out under controlled conditions suggested a monogenic control as well as the participation of at least two genes promoting resistance to rust. The goal of this study was to evaluate the resistance to P. psidii under field conditions in fourteen progenies from controlled crosses and self-crosses among four hybrid clones of Eucalyptus grandis Hill ex Maiden x Eucalyptus urophylla ST Blake that contrast for resistance to the fungus. Results indicated that resistance could be explained by one locus with main effects and at least three different alleles. However, loci with minor effects may influence the resistance, since variation on severity classes was observed. Differences in segregation of resistance between reciprocal crosses were not observed, indicating absence of cytoplasmic effects.

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The genetic linkage map for the common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) is a valuable tool for breeding programs. Breeders provide new cultivars that meet the requirements of farmers and consumers, such as seed color, seed size, maturity, and growth habit. A genetic study was conducted to examine the genetics behind certain qualitative traits. Growth habit is usually described as a recessive trait inherited by a single gene, and there is no consensus about the position of the locus. The aim of this study was to develop a new genetic linkage map using genic and genomic microsatellite markers and three morphological traits: growth habit, flower color, and pod tip shape. A mapping population consisting of 380 recombinant F10 lines was generated from IAC-UNA x CAL143. A total of 871 microsatellites were screened for polymorphisms among the parents, and a linkage map was obtained with 198 mapped microsatellites. The total map length was 1865.9 cM, and the average distance between markers was 9.4 cM. Flower color and pod tip shape were mapped and segregated at Mendelian ratios, as expected. The segregation ratio and linkage data analyses indicated that the determinacy growth habit was inherited as two independent and dominant genes, and a genetic model is proposed for this trait.

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Copaifera langsdorffii is a Neotropical tree with wide distribution in the Brazilian Atlantic rain forest and savanna. Although eight microsatellite loci (SSR) were developed in 2000 and have been widely used since then, there is yet no information about their inheritance, linkage and linkage disequilibrium (LD). Through the analysis of 28 open-pollinated (OP) progenies, the SSR loci revealed Mendelian inheritance and independent assortment. Using these progenies, young and adult trees LD was mainly detected in OP progenies. Our results show clear evidence that the eight SSR loci can be used without restriction in genetic diversity, mating system and parentage analysis.

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Crises persist in Australian Indigenous affairs because current policy approaches do not address the intersection of Indigenous and European political worlds. This paper responds to this challenge by providing a heuristic device for delineating Settler and Indigenous Australian political ontologies and considering their interaction. It first evokes Settler and Aboriginal ontologies as respectively biopolitical (focused through life) and terrapolitical (focused through land). These ideal types help to identify important differences that inform current governance challenges. The paper discusses the entwinement of these traditions as a story of biopolitical dominance wherein Aboriginal people are governed as an “included-exclusion” within the Australian political community. Despite the overall pattern of dominance, this same entwinement offers possibilities for exchange between biopolitics and terrapolitics, and hence for breaking the recurrent crises of Indigenous affairs.

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The intention behind language used by candidates during an election campaign is to persuade voters to vote for a particular political party. Fundamental to the political arena is construction of identity, group membership and ways of talking about self, others, and the polarizing categories of 'us' and 'them'. This paper will investigate the pragmatics of pronominal choice and the way in which politicians construct and convey their own identities and those of their political opponents within political speeches. Taking six speeches by John Howard and Mark Latham across the course of the 2004 federal election campaign, I look at the ways in which pronominal choice indicates a shifting scope of reference to creat pragmatic effects and serve political functions.

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This essay explores the nature and significance of aesthetic approaches to international political theory. More specifically, it contrasts aesthetic with mimetic forms of representation. The latter, which have dominated the study of international relations, seek to represent politics as realistically and authentically as possible, aiming at capturing world politics as it really is. An aesthetic approach, by contrast, assumes that there is always a gap between a form of representation and what is represented therewith. Rather than ignoring or seeking to narrow this gap, as mimetic approaches do, aesthetic insight recognises that the inevitable difference between the represented and its representation is the very location of politics. The essay, thus, argues for the need to reclaim the political value of the aesthetic; not to replace social science or technological reason, but to broaden our abilities to comprehend and deal with the key dilemmas of world politics. The ensuing model of thought facilitates productive interactions across different faculties, including sensibility, imagination and reason, without any of them annihilating the unique position and insight of the other.