Report on Red Light Camera Program: Operation from July 1988 to December 1989

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY (excerpts) The red light camera (RLC) program commenced in July 1988, with five cameras operating at 15 sites in metropolitan Adelaide. This report deals with the first eighteen months of operation, to December 1989. A number of recommendations have been made… PROGRAM EVALUATION … In 1989 dollars, the program was estimated to have achieved an accident reduction benefit of $1.4m in the first 12 months of operation, which is almost twice the benefit expected using the assumptions made when selecting the sites. (There are 8 recommendations, mostly specific to the particular program characteristics)

The Red Light Camera Evaluation - Interim Report - July 1985

Red light cameras were introduced in August 1983 to deter run-the-red offences and therefore to reduce the incidence of right-angle accidents at signalised intersections in Melbourne. This report was prepared after two years of operation of the program. It provides a detailed account of the technical aspects of the program, but does not provide any detailed, evaluative analyses of accident data.

Em nome das UPPs: uma análise das representações midiáticas sobre a ocupação da favela da Rocinha

Nessa dissertação procede-se à análise das narrativas do jornal O Globo durante a ocupação da favela da Rocinha pelas forças oficiais, em novembro de 2011. Pretende-se identificar as representações veiculadas pela mídia nesse especial momento da vida da cidade, que convive com a implantação do projeto das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora UPPs e a expectativa de recepcionar, nos próximos anos, dois megaeventos esportivos internacionais: a Copa do Mundo (2014) e as Olimpíadas (2016). O mote da pesquisa foi, através da análise das representações sobre o processo de ocupação, descobrir pistas que permitissem pensar o impacto dessa medida sobre a cidade e seus habitantes. Foi possível perceber que, diferentemente do que ocorria nas últimas décadas, a violência urbana não se apresentou como questão de grande interesse para o jornal, aparecendo apenas incidentalmente como eventos pontuais em um contexto predominantemente pacífico. Prevaleceu o discurso otimista em relação à cidade e seu futuro. Nesse sentido, diversas matérias registraram o sucesso da operação policial, comemorando a substituição da política policial de confronto pelas ações de inteligência, fator que teria permitido a retomada do morro sem que um tiro sequer fosse disparado. Ênfase especial foi dada às UPPs, sistematicamente representadas de forma positiva pelo jornal, moradores, empresários e especialistas, que apontariam o projeto como fator responsável pela onda de esperança e otimismo que envolve a cidade. As UPPs seriam, ainda, o elemento que permitiria, aos cariocas, ressignificar as favelas da cidade, afastando a aura de violência a elas associadas, fazendo desaparecer o medo que esses espaços da cidade historicamente causam na população em geral, integrando as favelas na cidade formal. O processo de pacificação das favelas do Rio de Janeiro, personificado nas UPPs, seria a ponte que permitiria, à cidade, se redescobrir, se reinventar, recuperando a alegria e a auto-estima, deixando para trás as décadas de pessimismo e desesperança. Observou-se, assim, que durante o período pesquisado, a dinâmica das narrativas rompeu com o padrão anterior de representação de cidade violenta, privilegiando o discurso da cidade pacificada, embora com episódios violentos pontuais.

Analyse de la position des groupes et des individus dans un réseau criminel structuré autour des motards criminalisés

L’étude scientifique des réseaux criminels démontre, de plus en plus, que leur structure est flexible et dynamique et que la thèse du contrôle ou de la centralisation des marchés criminels est discutable. Pourtant, devant la présence d’une organisation criminelle dite «traditionnelle» dans un marché criminel, autant la population que les milieux médiatiques, politiques, policiers et judiciaires, peuvent percevoir le marché comme étant contrôlé par cette organisation. Le fait de surévaluer la menace réelle de certains groupes criminels et de considérer que la centralisation des marchés criminels existent au détriment de la collaboration entre différents individus et groupes d’un réseau, peut notamment influencer les stratégies policières. D’une part, les autorités policières peuvent orienter leurs stratégies en tenant pour acquis que la structure dont s’est doté une présumée organisation criminelle se transpose dans le marché criminel dans lequel ses membres opèrent. D’autre part, cette organisation devient la première cible des autorités et les autres participants du réseau se voient accorder une moins grande importance dans les activités du marché. La recherche qui suit présente les résultats d’une analyse de réseau effectuée à partir des transcriptions de surveillances électroniques et physiques issues d’une importante opération policière visant la lutte aux motards criminalisés : l’opération Printemps 2001. À l’aide de ces données, un réseau de 349 individus a été créé. Bien que la cible principale de l’opération policière ait été l’organisation des Hell’s Angels, plus précisément, le chapitre Nomads et son club-école, les Rockers, d’autres groupes et d’autres individus ont été interceptés par les surveillances policières. Il ressort des analyses de la position occupée par l’ensemble des groupes et des individus identifiés, que les principales cibles des autorités policières n’étaient pas celles qui occupaient les positions les plus stratégiques pour être influentes et durer dans la portion du marché ciblée par l’opération.

Évaluation de rafles policières successives contre un réseau de revendeurs de stupéfiants

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Elementos para una sociología de los disturbios en Francia

El fenómeno de las revueltas urbanas apareció en Francia a finales de los años 1970, se arraigó en la década de los 80s y experimentó en 2005 una generalización inédita. Se desarrolla localmente desde esta fecha. Con algunas excepciones, se desata en la mayoría de los casos por la muerte de jóvenes en relación con una operación de policía. Este artículo propone una síntesis de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo en Francia en los últimos años y trata de desglosar un marco de interpretación global de este fenómeno al articular sus dimensiones económicas, sociales y políticas. Este trabajo pone énfasis en los procesos de creación de guetos, en las fallas de la regulación estatal y en la ausencia de representación política de los habitantes de los barrios pobres. Finalmente, se analizan las revueltas como una « forma elemental de protesta política».

The association between alcohol interventions and Dui incidents in Geelong, Victoria

Introduction and aims : Driving under the influence of alcohol is a major public health problem, every year affecting the lives of billions around the world - and not least in Australia. Since 2001, several Traffic Accident Commission (TAC), police, and community interventions have been implemented in Geelong, Australia to curb drink driving. The current paper aims to assess the impact of 13 alcohol interventions on drink-driving rates in the Geelong region of Australia. The interventions comprised seven TAC media campaigns, three Victoria Police operations, two community interventions targeting licensed premises, and the alcohol interlock program.

Method : This study examined two types of Victoria Police frequency data: Driving under the influence (DUI) offences, and roadside preliminary breath testing (PBT) rates. Multiple regressions were carried out to determine if any of the interventions were significantly associated with frequency fluctuations in the data.

Results : Of the 13 alcohol interventions examined, three TAC campaigns and one Victoria Police operation precipitated significant decreases in drink-driving rates, while another three TAC campaigns were associated with significant increases in drink-driving rates. Over one in five (22.5%) had recorded prior DUI offences.

Conclusions : The most promising approach to curbing DUI-rates in Geelong, appear to be through informative media campaigns which show people specific settings where they might become mildly intoxicated without being aware of it, such as TAC’s ‘Education 1’ campaign. However, there remains a worrying level of recidivist drink drivers in Geelong suggesting the need for tailored approaches.

Dutra, Adhemar e a repressão ao PCB: o incidente de Ribeirão Preto (1949)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Resilience of a corrupt police network : the first and second jokes in Queensland

Resilient organised crime groups survive and prosper despite law enforcement activity, criminal competition and market forces. Corrupt police networks, like any other crime network, must contain resiliency characteristics if they are to continue operation and avoid being closed down through detection and arrest of their members. This paper examines the resilience of a large corrupt police network, namely The Joke which operated in the Australian state of Queensland for a number of decades. The paper uses social network analysis tools to determine the resilient characteristics of the network. This paper also assumes that these characteristics will be different to those of mainstream organised crime groups because the police network operates within an established policing agency rather than as an independent entity hiding within the broader community.

Random Breath Testing Operation and Effectiveness in 1987

• In December 1986 funds were approved to double the intensity of random breath testing (RBT) and provide publicity support for police efforts. These changes were considered necessary to make RBT effective. • RBT methods were changed in the metropolitan area to enable block testing (pulling over a block of traffic rather than one or two cars), deployment of police to cut off escape routes, and testing by traffic patrols in all police subdivisions. Additional operators were trained for country RBT. • A publicity campaign was developed, aimed mainly at male drivers aged 18-50. The campaign consisted of the “cardsharp” television commercials, radio commercials, newspaper articles, posters and pamphlets. • Increased testing and the publicity campaigns were launched on 10 April 1987. • Police tests increased by 92.5% in May – December 1987, compared with the same period in the previous four years. • The detection rate for drinking drivers picked up by police who were cutting off escape routes was comparatively high, indicating that drivers were attempting to avoid RBT, and that this police method was effective at detecting these drivers. • A telephone survey indicated that drivers were aware of the messages of the publicity campaign. • The telephone survey also indicated that the target group had been exposed to high levels of RBT, as planned, and that fear of apprehension was the major factor deterring them from drink driving. • A roadside survey of driver blood alcohol concentrations (BACs) by the University of Adelaide’s Road Accident Research Unit (RARU) showed that, between 10p.m. and 3a.m., the proportion of drivers in Adelaide with a BAC greater than or equal to 0/08 decreased by 42%. • Drivers under 21 were identified as a possible problem area. • Fatalities in the twelve month period commencing May 1987 decreased by 18% in comparison with the previous twelve month period, and by 13% in comparison with the average of the previous two twelve month periods (commencing May 1985 and May 1986). There are indications that this trend is continuing. • It is concluded that the increase in RBT, plus publicity, was successful in achieving its aims of reductions in drink driving and accidents.

Police accountability in Ireland: an analysis of the problems posed by the legal, constitutional and political dimensions and how they might be addressed

The concept of police accountability is not susceptible to a universal or concise definition. In the context of this thesis it is treated as embracing two fundamental components. First, it entails an arrangement whereby an individual, a minority and the whole community have the opportunity to participate meaningfully in the formulation of the principles and policies governing police operations. Second, it presupposes that those who have suffered as victims of unacceptable police behaviour should have an effective remedy. These ingredients, however, cannot operate in a vacuum. They must find an accommodation with the equally vital requirement that the burden of accountability should not be so demanding that the delivery of an effective police service is fatally impaired. While much of the current debate on police accountability in Britain and the USA revolves around the issue of where the balance should be struck in this accommodation, Ireland lacks the very foundation for such a debate as it suffers from a serious deficit in research and writing on police generally. This thesis aims to fill that gap by laying the foundations for an informed debate on police accountability and related aspects of police in Ireland. Broadly speaking the thesis contains three major interrelated components. The first is concerned with the concept of police in Ireland and the legal, constitutional and political context in which it operates. This reveals that although the Garda Siochana is established as a national force the legal prescriptions concerning its role and governance are very vague. Although a similar legislative format in Britain, and elsewhere, have been interpreted as conferring operational autonomy on the police it has not stopped successive Irish governments from exercising close control over the police. The second component analyses the structure and operation of the traditional police accountability mechanisms in Ireland; namely the law and the democratic process. It concludes that some basic aspects of the peculiar legal, constitutional and political structures of policing seriously undermine their capacity to deliver effective police accountability. In the case of the law, for example, the status of, and the broad discretion vested in, each individual member of the force ensure that the traditional legal actions cannot always provide redress where individuals or collective groups feel victimised. In the case of the democratic process the integration of the police into the excessively centralised system of executive government, coupled with the refusal of the Minister for Justice to accept responsibility for operational matters, project a barrier between the police and their accountability to the public. The third component details proposals on how the current structures of police accountability in Ireland can be strengthened without interfering with the fundamentals of the law, the democratic process or the legal and constitutional status of the police. The key elements in these proposals are the establishment of an independent administrative procedure for handling citizen complaints against the police and the establishment of a network of local police-community liaison councils throughout the country coupled with a centralised parliamentary committee on the police. While these proposals are analysed from the perspective of maximising the degree of police accountability to the public they also take into account the need to ensure that the police capacity to deliver an effective police service is not unduly impaired as a result.

Shifting Thresholds, Contested Meanings: Governance, Cross-border Co-operation and the Ulster Unionist Identity

Cross-border (North/South) co-operation between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland was an indelible feature of the form of governance provided by the Belfast Good Friday Agreement (1998). Previous efforts to establish North/South co-operation had all foundered but the establishment and initial operation of the Agreement's cross-border institutions proved to be uncontroversial. However, during its implementation, other areas of the Agreement gave Ulster unionists more pressing cause for concern. These areas of concern included the release of paramilitary prisoners, police reform, the 'decommissioning' of Irish Republican Army (IRA) weaponry, and the unionist perception that the 'Britishness of Northern Ireland' was being actively eroded. These concerns served to emphasise and strengthen political and cultural borders between communities at a regional and local level within Northern Ireland. They also threatened the pro-Agreement unionists' contestation of unionist ideological orthodoxy, a contestation that was undertaken in an attempt to adapt the Ulster unionist identity to the shifting thresholds of the state.

Human Rights Violations in Police Custody

Human rights are the basic rights of every individual against the state or any other public authority as a member of the human family irrespective of any other consideration. Thus every individual of the society has the inherent right to be treated with dignity in all situations including arrest and keeping in custody by the police. Rights of an individual in police custody are protected basically by the Indian Constitution and by various other laws like Code of Criminal Procedure, Evidence Act, Indian Penal Code and Protection of Human Rights Act. The term `custody' is defined neither in procedural nor in substantive laws. The word custody means protective care. The expression `police custody' as used in sec. 27 of Evidence Act does not necessarily mean formal arrest. In India with special reference to Kerala and evolution and development of the concept of human rights and various kinds of human rights violations in police custody in different stages of history. Human rights activists and various voluntary organisations reveals that there are so many factors contributing towards the causes of violations of human rights by police. Sociological causes like ambivalent outlook of the society with respect to the use of third degree methods by the police, economic causes like meager salary and inadequate living conditions, rampant corruption in police service, unnecessary political interference in the crime investigation, work load of police personnel without any time limit and periodic holidays, unnecessary pressure from superior police officers and the general public for speedy detection causing great mental strain to the investigating officers, defective system of recruitment and training, imperfect system of investigation and lack of public co-operation are some of the factors identified in the field survey towards the causes of violations of human rights in police custody.

The impact of a police crackdown on a street drug scene : evidence from the street

This article documents the impact of a police crackdown on a street heroin market in a suburb of Melbourne, Australia, as perceived by individuals involved in the market. While our data suggest that ‘Operation Clean Heart’ achieved its objective of reducing the visible aspects of this street drug scene, they also imply that the drug market rapidly adapted to its new conditions and that the impact of the operation was essentially superficial and temporary. In addition, we contend that the operation had numerous (unintended) negative consequences, some of which are potentially harmful to public health. Negative outcomes implied by our data included the partial displacement of the drug scene to nearby metropolitan areas; the discouragement of safe injecting practice and safe needle and syringe disposal; and more frequent occurrences of violence and fraud. These outcomes may outweigh the perceived positive impacts, which were achieved at significant public expense. We conclude that police crackdowns are inappropriate responses to illicit drug problems; instead, in line with longstanding Australian policy, approaches which incorporate and balance demand reduction, supply reduction and harm reduction principles should be followed.