875 resultados para Police corruption
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Le niveau de violence, tel que mesuré par le taux d’homicide, varie beaucoup d’un pays à l’autre. Dans certains pays, on note un taux de 0,5 par 100,000 habitants tandis que pour d’autres, ce taux se situe autour de 50 par 100,000 habitants. Parmi les facteurs évoqués dans la littérature scientifique pour expliquer cette variation, on retrouve des concepts tels que la pauvreté, les inégalités et d’autres facteurs sociaux, économiques ou démographiques. Or, il y a relativement peu d’études qui examinent le rôle éventuel de la qualité du système de justice sur l’incidence de la violence. La présente étude s’intéresse au rôle de la corruption policière sur les variations du taux d’homicide entre les pays du monde. La corruption se définit comme le fait d’agir contre son devoir. Dans le cadre de l’activité policière, la corruption peut prendre la forme d’abus du pouvoir discrétionnaire, de recours à des moyens illégaux ou d’acceptation de récompenses. Considérant que ces différentes formes de corruption policière ont pour principale conséquence de créer des inégalités, il ne fait peu de doute que ce que font les policiers influence le taux de criminalité d’un endroit donné. Cette étude tente donc de déterminer s’il existe un lien entre le niveau de corruption policière et le niveau de violence, tel que mesuré par le taux d’homicide pour 143 pays. Des analyses statistiques univariées et bivariées sont réalisées afin de déterminer les indicateurs pertinents à inclure dans les différents modèles de régression multiple. Les résultats de nos analyses indiquent qu’une relation relativement forte et significative est retrouvée entre la corruption policière et le taux d’homicide. De plus, les résultats montrent que les inégalités influencent la corruption policière et que ces deux phénomènes influencent à leur tour le taux d’homicide.
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El texto analiza el impacto de la corrupción policial presentada por los medios de comunicación desde 1993 hasta el 2012 en la estructura interna de la Policía Nacional de Colombia. En el primer capítulo se plantea un estado del arte del concepto de corrupción policial, asimismo, se incluyen las teorías bajo las cuales se ha entendido el fenómeno a nivel mundial buscando generar soluciones plausibles a un flagelo en el que se ven inmiscuidos una gran cantidad de cuerpos policiales en el mundo. En el segundo apartado, se evalúa de manera cuantitativa cómo los casos de corrupción han modificado la estructura de la Policía Nacional, pero a su vez, cómo éstas modificaciones han sido evanescentes. En el tercer capítulo, se escudriña el impacto y los cambios estructurales desde la perspectiva de los miembros del cuerpo policial, recurriendo a la recolección de datos de manera cualitativa por medio de entrevistas y encuestas. En el cuarto momento se analiza la incidencia de los directores de la policía en la lucha contra la corrupción policial y como se establece una relación entre los subalternos y los mandos medios al momento de realizar este tipo de actividades. Finalmente se plasman las conclusiones a las que se llegó posterior a la realización del trabajo investigativo.
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As a result of the local autonomy program that commenced in Indonesia in Jan 2001, there is a concern regarding the applicability of the formalized model of security & the possibility of that being replaced by a local community-based security model. This rather informal security model is then promoted to be the only form of security used between societies & the nation. However, this model does not solve the problem because of widespread corruption, collusion, & nepotism, & the many limitations of the Indonesian National Police (Polri), a police department that has a mediocre & generalized level of service. In relation to autonomy, the effort of empowering the police units from the regional police down will bridge the gap between the people's ability to protect themselves & the limitations of those that are sworn to uphold the law. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.
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Human rights are the basic rights of every individual against the state or any other public authority as a member of the human family irrespective of any other consideration. Thus every individual of the society has the inherent right to be treated with dignity in all situations including arrest and keeping in custody by the police. Rights of an individual in police custody are protected basically by the Indian Constitution and by various other laws like Code of Criminal Procedure, Evidence Act, Indian Penal Code and Protection of Human Rights Act. The term `custody' is defined neither in procedural nor in substantive laws. The word custody means protective care. The expression `police custody' as used in sec. 27 of Evidence Act does not necessarily mean formal arrest. In India with special reference to Kerala and evolution and development of the concept of human rights and various kinds of human rights violations in police custody in different stages of history. Human rights activists and various voluntary organisations reveals that there are so many factors contributing towards the causes of violations of human rights by police. Sociological causes like ambivalent outlook of the society with respect to the use of third degree methods by the police, economic causes like meager salary and inadequate living conditions, rampant corruption in police service, unnecessary political interference in the crime investigation, work load of police personnel without any time limit and periodic holidays, unnecessary pressure from superior police officers and the general public for speedy detection causing great mental strain to the investigating officers, defective system of recruitment and training, imperfect system of investigation and lack of public co-operation are some of the factors identified in the field survey towards the causes of violations of human rights in police custody.
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Korruption, Gewalt, Machtmissbrauch – im medialen, aber auch im wissenschaftlichen Diskurs wird die afrikanische Polizei oft als dysfunktionale staatliche Institution dargestellt. Dabei erscheinen Polizisten und zivile Akteure als klar voneinander abgegrenzte Akteursgruppen, wobei die Polizisten einseitig das staatliche Gewaltmonopol durchsetzen. Ein Blick auf den Alltag polizeilichen Handelns in Nordghana eröffnet jedoch eine andere Perspektive: Wegen der niedrigen Legitimität, konkurrierenden alternativen Rechtsinstanzen und den Widersprüchen innerhalb ihrer Institution sind Polizisten mit massiven Unsicherheiten konfrontiert. Ihre Praktiken können als situative Anpassungen der Polizeiarbeit an dieses Umfeld verstanden werden. Dabei übertragen Polizisten oft Kernaufgaben ihrer Institution an zivile Akteure, die sogenannten „friends of the police“. Auch zivile Akteure verfügen jedoch durch physischen Widerstand, Beziehungen, Status und Geld über beträchtliche Beeinflussungsmöglichkeiten. Die öffentliche Ordnung ergibt sich erst aus den Verhandlungen zwischen den Polizisten und unterschiedlichen zivilen Akteuren unter Einbeziehung ihrer sozialen Ressourcen und moralischer Vorstellungen.
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Is fairness in process and outcome a generalizable driver of police legitimacy? In many industrialized nations, studies have demonstrated that police legitimacy is largely a function of whether citizens perceive treatment as normatively fair and respectful. Questions remain whether this model holds in less-industrialized contexts, where corruption and security challenges favor instrumental preferences for effective crime control and prevention. Support for and against the normative model of legitimacy has been found in less-industrialized countries, yet few have simultaneously compared these models across multiple industrializing countries. Using a multilevel framework and data from respondents in 27 countries in sub-Saharan Africa (n~43,000), I find evidence for the presence of both instrumental and normative influences in shaping the perceptions of police legitimacy. More importantly, the internal consistency of legitimacy (defined as obligation to obey, moral alignment, and perceived legality of the police) varies considerably from country to country, suggesting that relationships between legality, morality, and obligation operate differently across contexts. Results are robust to a number of different modeling assumptions and alternative explanations. Overall, the results indicate that both fairness and effectiveness matter, not in all places, and in some cases contrary to theoretical expectations.
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Background: This paper explores and analyses the experiences of school-age street children. It specifically addresses the relationship of the street children who live on the streets of Sao Paulo (a large Brazilian metropolis), in relation to their experiences, with the policemen. Methods: The paper is a secondary analysis of date previously collected in 1999. The data were collected through individual semi-structured interviews, with 14 school-age children frequenting two city public refuges, with their legal guardians` consent. The text from transcribed interviews was organized according to the validity norms of `thematic analysis`, a technique of contents analysis method. The decomposing and reconstructing process of that analysis gave rise to thematic categories (among which `the police category`) that represented the reconstruction of the difficulties faced by the children in their development. Results and discussion: The children portrayed the police as an enemy, a fearful figure and one of the most agonizing street experiences. Rarely did the police have a positive image to them. According to the children, police violence occurs in three forms: through systematic police persecution in an effort to remove the children from the streets against their will; actions that had the deliberate intent to humiliate them with verbal or physical aggression; and through alleged sexual abuse, revealed by the children in a veiled manner. The authority that is supposedly intended to protect them is portrayed as one of the most feared social agents. Conclusion: The reported hostile behaviour of the policemen shows the state of vulnerability of those children living on the street. This situation must be focused like a health problem because it causes injury to development of children. Nurses can help them through organizing assistance to children in situation of personal and social risk in the school nursing and health institution.
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Background: violence against women is a serious problem caused by the social construction of feminineness and masculineness that results in the domination of women by men. Public policies on gender have recently been developed in order to confront the problem. But what exactly are the problems faced by women? Purposes: to survey and analyse cases of violence against women reported to the police, as recorded at the Police Stations for Women`s Defence (PSWDs), and to reconstruct the procedures that women must go through in order to denounce their aggressors. Methodology: this quantitative, exploratory and descriptive study was undertaken during 2006-2007 in the city of Itapevi, Sao Paulo metropolitan region, Brazil. As there is no PSWD data were collected from police reports from PSWDs of neighbouring cities. Findings: malicious physical injury (49%) and threats (42%) were the most commonly reported types of violence. The victims were aged between 20 and 49 years (93%). Almost all of the aggressors (97%) were men and most had an intimate relationship with their victim. The use of alcoholic beverages was linked to approximately 25% of the cases. Conclusion: women who are victims of domestic violence in Itapevi report that going through PSWDs of neighbouring cities is a difficult, isolated, long and expensive process that often, provides no institutional protection. Implications for practice: there is an urgent requirement for judicial-assistance and support close to home in order to provide a quality service and follow-up for these women and their aggressors; to provide training for the professionals called to attend them at police stations; and for a caring attitude from health-care professionals.,0 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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Police and demonstrators during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Brisbane, Australia in January 1967. One of the policemen possibly John O'Gorman?
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Mounted police during Mayday procession 1965 Brisbane Australia.
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The purpose of this article is to examine the causality between government size and corruption, and to verify if there is a different pattern of causality between developed Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries (excluding Mexico) and developing countries (Latin American countries) during the period 1996 to 2003. Applying Granger and Huang`s (1997) methodology we find evidence that size of government Granger causes corruption in both samples. Since a larger government involvement in private markets today will be followed in future by a higher level of corruption a policy advice would be to enhance governance. The promotion of good governance helps to combat corruption given that it complements efforts to reduce corruption more directly, and it is strongly recommended by the International Monetary Fund, other multilateral institutions, and all worried with the negative impacts of corruption on economic activity.
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Objective. To analyze the association between police violence and homicide mortality rates taking into consideration the effect of contextual variables. Methods. This was an environmental, cross-sectional study that included the 96 census districts in the City of Sao Paulo. The association between the variables was analyzed using Spearman`s rank correlation and simple and multiple regression analysis. Results. Univariate analysis revealed a strong and significant association between homicide mortality coefficients and all the indicators of socioeconomic development and police violence. After controlling for potential confounding factors, the association between police violence and homicide mortality coefficients remained strong and significant. This significance was lost only after control for the size of the resident population. Conclusion. The results indicate that police action that violates basic human rights is not the right answer to urban violence. The combination of homicides from interpersonal violence and deaths from police violence results in negative socialization and promotes further violence.
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We investigate how corruption affects the outcome of a first-price auction (bidding behavior, efficiency and the seller's expected revenue). The auctioneer approaches the winner to offer the possibility of a reduction in his bid in exchange for a bribe. The bribe can be a percentage of the difference between the winning and the second-highest bid or a fixed amount. We show that there exists a symmetric bidding strategy equilibrium that is monotone, i.e., higher valuation buyers bid higher. Corruption does not affect efficiency but both the auctioneer's expected bribe and the seller's expected revenue depend on the format of the bribe payments. We also find the optimal bribe scheme.