799 resultados para Participatory Democracy
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Based on the experiences of Colombia, Brazil and Bolivia, the paper proposes a general analytical framework for participatory mechanisms. The analysis is oriented to detect the incentives in each system and theethics and behavior sustaining them. It investigates about the sustainability of participatory democracy, in the face of tensions with representative democracy. The article presents a theoretical framework built from theseexperiences of institutional design and political practice, and confronts it against the theoretical conceptualizationsof participatory democracy in Bobbio, Sartori, Elster and Nino, among others. In this context, different waysin which those schemes can be inserted in the political systems become apparent, along with the variables thatresult from combining elements of direct, representative and participatory democracy”
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This article focuses on the analysis of the regulatory framework of citizen participation in the local government, which organises direct and participatory democracy at the local level, and identifies the laws and mechanisms through which the constitutional requirements for participation are accomplished. Mu nicipalities, the authority closest to citizens, are the best level of government since they directly involve civil society in the decision-making process experiencing the scope and appropriateness of the instruments by which it is channeled.
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The importance of political parties for contemporary representative democracies is beyond dispute. Despite their significance for state-level democracy, political parties continue to be regarded as oligarchical and to be criticised because of their internal practices. For this reason, intra-party democracy (IPD) warrants in-depth analysis. This thesis investigates IPD in Turkey, primarily from the perspective of participatory democracy, with the purpose of suggesting reforms to the Turkish Political Parties Law (TPPL). Turkish political parties and Turkish party regulation provide an interesting case because there is a significant difference between mature democracies and Turkey regarding IPD regulation. IPD in established democracies has always been regarded as a private concern of parties and has been left unregulated. IPD in Turkey, by contrast, is provided for both by the constitution and the TPPL. Although IPD is a constitutional and legal requirement in Turkey, however, political parties in fact display a high level of non-democratic administration. The main reason is that the TPPL only pays lip service to the idea of IPD and requires no specific measures apart from establishing a party congress with a representative form of democracy. By establishing and holding party congresses, political parties are perceived as conforming to the requirements of IPD under the law. In addition, the contested nature of democracy as a concept has impeded the creation of efficacious legal principles. Thus, the existing party law fails to tackle the lack of IPD within political parties and, for this reason, is in need of reform. Furthermore, almost every Turkish party’s own constitution highlights the importance of IPD and promises IPD. However, these declared commitments to IPD in their constitutions alone, especially in countries where the democratic culture is weak, are unlikely to make much difference in practice. Accordingly, external regulation is necessary to ensure the protection of the rights and interests of the party members with regards to their participation in intra-party decision-making processes. Nevertheless, in spite of a general consensus in favour of reforming the TPPL, a lack of consensus exists as to what kind of reforms should be adopted. This thesis proposes that reforming the TPPL in line with an approach based on participatory democracy could provide better IPD within Turkish political parties, citing as evidence comparative case studies of the participatory practices for policy-making, leadership selection and candidate selection in mature democracies. This thesis also analyses membership registration and the effect of state funding on IPD, which are highly problematic in Turkey and represent impediments to the flourishing of IPD.
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Participation usually sets off from the bottom up, taking the form of more or less enduring forms of collective action with varying degrees of infl uence. However, a number of projects have been launched by political institutions in the last decades with a view to engaging citizens in public affairs and developing their democratic habits, as well as those of the administration. This paper analyses the political qualifying capacity of the said projects, i.e. whether participating in them qualifi es individuals to behave as active citizens; whether these projects foster greater orientation towards public matters, intensify (or create) political will, and provide the necessary skills and expertise to master this will. To answer these questions, data from the comparative analysis of fi ve participatory projects in France and Spain are used, shedding light on which features of these participatory projects contribute to the formation of political subjects and in which way. Finally, in order to better understand this formative dimension, the formative capacity of institutional projects is compared with the formative dimension of other forms of participation spontaneously developed by citizens.
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Os Conselhos Gestores s??o f??runs h??bridos onde se viabiliza a participa????o popular no desenho das pol??ticas p??blicas, nas negocia????es de interesses da coletividade, na elabora????o de programas e projetos sociais e na fiscaliza????o das a????es governamentais. O significado e a dimens??o dos Conselhos para a democracia participativa s??o enormes, justificando a import??ncia da realiza????o deste estudo, que se baseou na an??lise explorat??ria de 12 Conselhos locais do munic??pio mineiro de Vi??osa, com o objetivo de avaliar o desempenho dos mesmos. A avalia????o do desempenho levou em considera????o os mesmos par??metros dimensionais, tanto para a coleta de dados prim??rios quanto para a coleta secund??ria. A coleta de dados prim??rios foi realizada a partir da aplica????o de question??rios semi-estruturados aos presidentes dos Conselhos em an??lise. Utilizou-se o programa SPSS, vers??o 15.0, para an??lise estat??stica das quest??es objetivas dos question??rios e a t??cnica de an??lise de conte??do para exame das quest??es abertas. Ap??s essa etapa, realizou-se um workshop com os presidentes dos Conselhos, visando ?? obten????o de novos dados e informa????es. Os Conselhos municipais analisados apresentaram resultados pouco discrepantes entre a teoria aplicada ao tema e a sua efetiva pr??tica no campo p??blico. Contudo, a pesquisa revelou que o grau de desenvolvimento institucional dos Conselhos n??o ?? homog??neo, ou seja, h?? alguns melhores gestores que outros. A escolha independente e democr??tica dos membros n??o-governamentais dos Conselhos em Vi??osa revelou o seu grau de independ??ncia do Poder Executivo. Por??m, a capacita????o de conselheiros precisa ser implementada para evitar uma desfigura????o dos Conselhos. No que tange ?? governan??a, destacouse em Vi??osa o seu grau e formas de aplicabilidade observadas na gest??o de v??rias pol??ticas. Da mesma forma, foi observado um n??vel de governabilidade que confere legitimidade ??s pol??ticas implementadas. Por fim, verificou-se que a efetividade da accountability societal tem sido instrumentalizada pelos Conselhos no ??mbito das diversas pol??ticas setoriais. J?? os dados secund??rios da an??lise foram obtidos por meio das s??nteses dos relat??rios de fiscaliza????o de munic??pios do Estado de Minas Gerais, realizadas pela Controladoria Geral da Uni??o. Foram identificados todos os registros pertinentes aos Conselhos Gestores Municipais do Estado de Minas Gerais, no per??odo de 2003 a 2006. Verificou-se que os maiores problemas se referem aos Conselhos Municipais de Sa??de e Assist??ncia Social. Entre as in??meras falhas apontadas, destacam-se problemas graves na constitui????o e operacionaliza????o dos Conselhos, resultando na inoper??ncia desses mecanismos nos munic??pios fiscalizados. A avalia????o do desempenho dos Conselhos locais de Vi??osa possibilitou concluir que esses mecanismos apresentaram um desempenho bem satisfat??rio na gest??o e controle das pol??ticas p??blicas no munic??pio.
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No âmbito da Democracia Participativa, cujos elementos foram inseridos na democracia brasileira pela Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF/88), ao legitimar a participação do usuário na administração pública direta e indireta, prevendo mecanismos de controle social, destacamos as ouvidorias públicas, e dentre elas as ouvidorias universitárias, como instrumentos de interlocução e intermediação entre os cidadãos e as instituições públicas. Embora existam importantes estudos acerca das ouvidorias públicas, sobretudo nas áreas da saúde e judiciária, ainda há escassez no campo da gestão pública quanto a estudos específicos sobre as ouvidorias universitárias, restando uma lacuna que necessita ser preenchida. Nesse sentido, a presente pesquisa teve o propósito de investigar a atuação da Ouvidoria Geral da Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo (UFES), buscando responder à seguinte questão: Qual a importância da Ouvidoria Geral da UFES na gestão pública dessa instituição? E, com isso, trazer à tona aspectos relevantes e peculiares das ouvidorias universitárias, que certamente alcançam, a exemplo da Ouvidoria Geral da UFES, ouvidorias de outras instituições públicas de ensino superior, dando maior visibilidade a um instituto por vezes desconhecido ou tratado sem a atenção devida. Para tanto, foi realizada uma pesquisa qualitativa a partir do procedimento técnico do estudo de caso, com utilização de análise documental, observação espontânea e aplicação de entrevistas. Assim, além de abordar aspectos estruturais e conjunturais que envolvem a Ouvidoria, esse estudo traz a percepção de cidadãos que utilizaram os serviços do órgão, propiciando a ampliação da discussão sobre o tema na Academia e, porventura, a indução de mudanças organizacionais.
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Relatório da Prática Profissional Supervisionada Mestrado em Educação Pré-Escolar
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O presente trabalho de projeto resulta de um estudo dos espaços de participação, dos alunos dos 2.º e 3.º ciclo do ensino básico, na vida da escola, permitindo a construção de um dispositivo de intervenção, que pretende implementar ações estratégicas que visem a ampliação desses espaços de participação. O seu desenvolvimento teórico assenta na necessidade da revitalização da cultura democrática participativa, através de uma maior e melhor participação. Neste campo, a escola, como lugar de interação quotidiana dos seus alunos, tem um papel importante a desempenhar na capacitação de uma participação ativa. Para tal urge a necessidade de implementação de ações estratégicas, em coerência com os documentos estruturantes da organização e de todos os seus órgãos de administração e gestão, de forma a instituir a mudança e a inovação na cultura de trabalho como um dos aspetos chave para o sucesso organizacional da escola. O trabalho de projeto foi realizado numa escola pública dos 2.º e 3.º ciclos e a amostra do estudo, foi composta por 401 alunos dos 2.º e 3.º ciclos e 31 professores Diretores de Turma. Os instrumentos de recolha de dados foram dois inquéritos por questionário, um para aplicar aos alunos, e outro aos Diretores de Turma, e a análise de conteúdo dos documentos orientadores da escola. Os resultados mostraram que os alunos possuem uma débil participação na vida da escola, quer ao nível dos documentos orientadores, quer na sua representação nos diferentes órgãos. No plano de ação, é apresentado um conjunto de propostas, que pretendem constituir-se como um dispositivo para colmatar esta debilidade.
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Dissertação de mestrado em Administração Pública (área de especialização em Gestão Pública)
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How to "bring the [European] Union closer to its citizens" is a vexed and vital problem of European integration. Article 11 TEU on participatory democracy, recently introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, is meant to be part of the solution. The EU Economic and Social Committee has gone so far as to define this provision "a milestone on the road to a people's Europe that is real and feasible". This appears to be an overly optimistic assessment - partly because art. 11 relies heavily on the involvement of civil society organisations, which political science literature suggests is conceptually and/or practically irrelevant to citizen involvement; partly because it largely formalizes participatory practices that have been in existence for years without cognizable effects on citizen participation; and partly because even its most innovative element - the European citizens' initiative (ECI) - does not bring significant changes to the Union's constitutional arrangements in terms of redistributing decision-making power. In addition to that, secondary legislation places significant hurdles on the submission of ECIs and might prevent or delay their becoming a standard democratic practice. This is not to say that art. 11 TEU has no potential at all. Its insertion in the Treaty might provide impetus to rethink and develop past participatory practices, such as horizontal civil dialogue. Moreover, the effects of "popular input" in the form of ECIs on EU institutional dynamics is as yet unknown - and perhaps not negligible, to judge from the keen interest that the European Parliament and other bodies have demonstrated in "appropriating" it as a political asset. Finally, art. 11 raises the stakes of the Union's democratic challenge and might pressure EU institutions to make full use of its potential. Or, if eventually proved inadequate, art. 11 might constitute a constitutional experiment on the way to meaningful forms of direct democracy at EU level.
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[spa] El estudio afronta la regulación de los derechos de participación en los Estatutos de Autonomía de nueva generación. La novedad que representan estas normas respecto a sus predecesoras es la incorporación de una carta de derechos que vinculan de forma más explícita y detallada a los poderes públicos autonómicos. Los estatuyentes han interiorizado el creciente auge del fenómeno participativo regulando, junto a los tradicionales derechos de participación política, nuevos instrumentos y técnicas participativas, que se enmarcan en el concepto de democracia participativa. Significativa es, en este sentido, la voluntad política plasmada en la competencia que asumen algunos de ellos (Cataluña, Andalucía y Aragón)para la regulación de las consultas populares en cualquiera de sus modalidades ("encuestas, audiencias públicas, foros de participación") distintas el referéndum.
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The focus of this licentiate dissertation is to produce a better understanding of how we may give citi-zen as users a stronger influence over their welfare services and in the long run help to democratize the welfare state. The aim of this project is to analyze what kind of influence a user with a functional dis-order may have in different organizational contexts over his or her personal assistance. This study focuses on the influence a user may have over his or her welfare service, personal assis-tance. A municipality, an assistance firm and a user cooperative are compared with the thesis that the organization that surrounds the users shapes the possibilities the user have to influence his or her per-sonal assistance. The major thesis is thus: Participatory democracy as a model or approach may function differently when the services are delivered in a different way by different organizations – varying organizational forms. There are questions that try to answer if there are outspoken social goals within each organization. Questions regarding influence of the user when she or he is choosing the assistance provider and the users possibility to influence and his or her power to decide who and when anyone works as an assis-tant are asked. The results indicate that there are different sets of internal logic within the organizations that affect their goals and level of user influence. Within the user cooperative the user is considered a citizen and as a user expected to handle the role as work leader for his or her personal assistants. However the user is also a citizen and is expected within the usercooperative to act as a member and citizen to have po-litical influence. The usercooperative aims at influencing the political policy process regarding ques-tions concerning the rights of persons with disabilities. This gives the user a part in collective action as a member of the usercooperative. The other producers of personal assistance, the municipality and the assistance firm gives in this study a similar result as they give the user of personal assistance quite similar models for user influence within the respective organization. Within these organizations the user have chosen to let the organiza-tions handle the role of work leader in the written agreements with the producer and thereby the influ-ence they may have in practice is not so much a case of self-determination as a case of co-influence. The user can be seen as a user within a municipality, a client or consumer within the assistance firm and a citizen within the usercooperative. The results indicate the need for future research where co-production, institutional logic and development of democratic theory through democratic innovations are central aspects of future research.
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Dans les démocraties occidentales, la notion d’opinion publique occupe une place importante dans l’action des politiciens et le discours des médias. Elle y renvoie généralement à la somme des opinions individuelles des citoyens, aux résultats de sondages. Or, les limites de l’opinion publique ainsi conceptualisée apparaissent de plus en plus clairement aux chercheurs en sciences sociales, et cela jette un doute sur sa valeur comme guide des politiques publiques. Pour mieux comprendre la place de l’opinion publique dans le processus démocratique québécois, nous avons cherché à connaître les conceptions qu’en ont certains acteurs-clés : les chroniqueurs politiques et éditorialistes francophones du Québec. Au moyen d’entrevues, nous avons documenté leurs « théories profanes » à ce sujet, c’est à dire leurs façons de voir l’opinion publique et sa place dans le processus démocratique. L’exercice nous apprend que ces « commentateurs habituels » distinguent plusieurs formes d’opinion publique, de valeur inégale. Celle qui revêt le plus d’intérêt pour eux est une « opinion publique latente », qui intègre des dimensions d’intensité et de propension à changer. Ils jugent les sondages utiles mais insuffisants pour appréhender l’opinion publique; aussi l’interprètent-ils à partir de conversations et d’un certain « sens de l’opinion publique ». Selon eux, les médias peuvent influencer l’opinion publique, mais surtout influencer la tenue d’une délibération publique et la façon dont les décideurs lisent l’opinion publique. Ils estiment aussi pouvoir, par leur travail journalistique, favoriser l’émergence d’une opinion publique raisonnée, ce qui est conforme à leur idéal de démocratie participative.