815 resultados para Old Town


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In 1858, a volume entitled Midnight Scenes and Social Photographs – being sketches of life in the streets, wynds and dens of the city of Glasgow was published under the pseudonym of ‘Shadow’ by Alexander Brown, a Glaswegian flâneur and reformer. Its frontispiece is an etching which depicts a theatre-like proscenium arch whose curtains have been withdrawn to reveal to the audience all the poverty, destitution and disorder that one was likely to find after dark in the insalubrious quarters of the city. At the extreme left-hand side, partly obscured by the curtain a silhouetted figure stands behind an unwieldy camera perched on a tripod. Distinctly unaffected by the mêlée, an arm is calmly raised and a finger precisely arched in the moment before the shutter is clicked and the scene committed to record. The volume, however, relies exclusively on textual descriptions to evoke the underside of the city and contains no photographs at all. Instead, the use of the word photograph in the title can be understood as a metaphor for detached scientific objectivity, a quality much celebrated by nineteenth-century reformers and investigators of social ills. As it happened, a decade after Shadow disappeared into the labyrinthine back-lands of Old Town Glasgow, he was followed there by a real photographer. In 1868, Thomas Annan was commissioned by the City Improvements Trust to take photographs of the Old Town in its last moments of existence before it was pulled down under a series of legislative acts. But perhaps paradoxically, given Shadow’s faith in the analytical properties of photography, Annan’s work seems to refute much of the material contained in Midnight Scenes and other similar tracts. Instead of the dens, shebeens, labyrinths and rowdy crowds described by Shadow, Annan’s depictions of the Old Town convey a static, calm environment, one which is often sparsely inhabited by a curious but apparently orderly population.

Taking account of the sensational tendencies of many reformists’ texts, this paper investigates the discrepancies between the two representations, focussing in particular on the constraints which operated on Annan during his commission. It argues that Annan’s compositions – which became very influential on other 19th century photographers of everyday life such as John Thomson or Jacob Riis – far from being dispassionate analytical works, emerged as a result of a matrix of factors which included: photographic and artistic precedents; Annan’s own predilections as a photographer; technological limitations; the nature of the commission from the City Improvements Trust and political climate in which it was given; the medieval urban fabric in which he had to operate; and, perhaps, most importantly, the identity of the Old Towns inhabitants themselves.

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In 1862, Glasgow Corporation initiated the first of a series of three legislative acts which would become known collectively as the City Improvements Acts. Despite having some influence on the nature of the built fabric on the expanding city as a whole, the most extensive consequences of these acts was reserved for one specific area of the city, the remnants of the medieval Old Town. As the city had expanded towards all points of the compass in a regular, grid-iron structure throughout the nineteenth century, the Old Town remained singularly as a densely wrought fabric of medieval wynds, vennels, oblique passageways and accelerated tenementalisation. Here, as the rest of the city began to assume the form of an ordered entity, visible and classifiable, one could still find and addresses such as ‘Bridgegate, No. 29, backland, stair first left, three up, right lobby, door facing’ (quoted in Pacione, 1995).

Unsurprisingly, this place, where proximity to the midden (dung-heap) was considered an enviable position, was seen by the authorities as a major health hazard and a source not only of cholera, but also of the more alarming typhoid epidemic of 1842. Accordingly, the demolitions which occurred in the backlands of the Old Town under the first of the acts, the Glasgow Police Act of 1862, were justified on health and medical grounds. But disease was not the only social problem thought to issue from this district. Reports from social reformers including Fredrick Engels suggested that the decay of the area’s physical fabric could be extended to the moral profile of its inhabitants. This was in such a state of degeneracy that there were calls for a nearby military barracks to be relocated to more salubrious climes because troops were routinely coming into contact ‘with the most dissolute and profligate portion of the population’ (Peter Clonston, Lord Provost, June 1861). Perhaps more worrying for the city fathers, however, was that the barracks’ arsenal was seen as a potential source of arms for the militant and often illegal cotton workers’ unions and organisations who inhabited the Old Town as well as the districts to the east. In fact, the Old Town and East End had been the site of numerous working class actions and riots since 1787, including a strike of 60,000 workers in 1820, 100,000 in 1838, and the so-called Bread Riots of 1848 where shouts of ‘Vive La Revolution’ were reported in the Gallowgate.

The events in Paris in 1848 precipitated Baron Hausmann’s interventions into that city. The boulevards were in turn visited by members of Glasgow Corporation and ultimately, it can be argued, provided an example for Old Town Glasgow. This paper suggests that the city improvement acts carried a similarly complex and pervasive agenda, one which embodied not only health, class conflict and sexual morality but also the more local condition of sectarianism. And, like in Paris, these were played out spatially in a extensive reconfiguration of the urban fabric of the Old Town which, through the creation of new streets and a railway yard, not only made it more amenable to large scale military manoeuvres but also, opened up the area to capitalist accumulation. By the end of the works, the medieval heritage of the Old Town had been almost completely razed, the working class and Catholic East End had, through the insertion of the railway yard, been isolated from the city centre and approximately 70,000 people had been made homeless.

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http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/carver_narratives/1032/thumbnail.jpg

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Pieter Jansz Saenredam; 2 ft. 1 25/32 in.x 2 ft. 9 17/64 in.; oil on panel

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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This is the River Irk intensive survey produced by the North West Water in 1986. This report focuses on the Intensive Survey carried out on the River Irk on 15 April 1986. The river Irk was one of the most polluted rivers in North West Water's area. In dry weather the bulk of the flow in the river originated from the 3 sewage works within the catchment (Castleton ETW, Royton ETW and Oldham ETW). The river Irk was badly affected by numerous unsatisfactory storm sewage overflows (SSOs) within the catchment. Several sewerage projects had been carried out within the Irk catchment especially in the Middleton area, where earlier major redevelopment of the old town centre took place between 1969 and 1976, at which time the main sewers were reconstructed. The survey was designed to investigate the changes in the water quality of the river Irk which take place during wet weather. Because of manpower and analytical restrictions the study on Wince Brook and the river Irk upstream of Wince Brook was limited to their bottom reaches.

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Wydział Filologii Polskiej i Klasycznej: Instytut Filologii Polskiej

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La tesis trata la evolución de la conciencia de la conservación de los centros históricos y de los instrumentos de gestión utilizados en las políticas de rehabilitación del casco antiguo de Madrid, desde las primeras experiencias de los años ‘80 hasta el perfeccionamiento del complejo mecanismo contemporáneo. El proceso de rehabilitación ha demostrado ser extremadamente coherente en cuanto a los objetivos y en cuanto al tema de los instrumentos ha seguido la tendencia de diversificar y flexibilizar. En Madrid se ha utilizado el concepto de rehabilitación en sentido integral, abarca una amplia gama de acciones que implican por una parte, intervenciones directas sobre los edificios y por otra, la valorización del espacio público, de los edificios representativos, la introducción de dotaciones y también un componente social. El tema se analizará desde la perspectiva del barrio de Embajadores, un área muy especial del casco antiguo de la ciudad. Desde 1998 hasta la actualidad allí funciona el Área de Rehabilitación Integral con el nombre de Lavapiés. El barrio de Embajadores representa un caso de extrema complejidad dada su tradición, que mantiene hasta el momento, de barrio popular que ha tenido como consecuencia negativa un grave estado de deterioro de los edificios y de sus estructuras urbanas. Además, presenta una composición socio-cultural muy heterogénea ya que siempre ha alojado oleadas de inmigrantes que llegaban a la capital tanto de las provincias como del extranjero. Los ‘80 marcan en Madrid el inicio de la preocupación por la rehabilitación urbana y de los primeros intentos de definir unos mecanismos. Durante este período el barrio de Embajadores es escenario de los primeros proyectos piloto de rehabilitación. Se sientan las bases del sistema de subvenciones, que empujará hacia un modelo de rehabilitación generalizada. A principios de los años ‘90, la insatisfacción dejada por de los resultados obtenidos, la Administración decide reorganizar la estrategia y se procede a la rehabilitación integral por áreas, concentrando los esfuerzos geográfica y temporalmente. La idea ya se había utilizado diez años antes, pero sin encontrar nunca la voluntad política de aplicarla. En comparación con el casco antiguo, el barrio de Embajadores se dejó para el final del proceso para verificar los métodos en zonas más restringidas en cuanto a superficie y con menos problemas. Desde 1998 hasta hoy, período en que funciona el Área de Rehabilitación Integral de Lavapiés, los distintos tipos de actuaciones, de producción arquitectónica, urbanística y sociocultural, han mostrado su eficacia, de forma que los cambios que aportaron al barrio son evidentes para todos. Mientras que las Áreas de Rehabilitación del centro una vez alcanzados los objetivos, se preparan para su clausura, a nivel administrativo se están definiendo nuevas direcciones y nuevos objetivos para el casco antiguo: subastas para incentivar intervenciones de mejoramiento energético y del nivel de sostenibilidad de los edificios madrileños. La primera parte de la tesis establece las premisas presentando algunos puntos relevantes relativos al desarrollo histórico de los documentos y normativas más importantes que tendrán eco en el proceso de concienciación de la cultura de la conservación del patrimonio urbano de los centros históricos. Después, se habla de la experiencia de rehabilitación urbana en Europa, en España en general y en Madrid en particular, con referencia a los modelos de enfoque, al marco legislativo y a las experiencias relacionadas con el casco antiguo, y en definitiva a la creación de la conciencia de la rehabilitación y conservación de los centros de las ciudades. La segunda parte se centra en el caso de estudio, el barrio de Embajadores. En primer lugar, se presenta en detalle el barrio: ubicación, datos característicos, edificios representativos y flujos que generan, trama urbana, datos sobre la formación histórica, tipologías y características de construcción de los edificios y, para finalizar, algún dato demográfico para introducir la compleja problemática social. Más adelante se exponen las primeras experiencias de rehabilitación: dos proyectos piloto de intervención sobre las viviendas realizados en los años ‘80, uno privado y el otro público. La parte central del trabajo trata sobre la fase intensiva de rehabilitación, proceso puesto en marcha en el año ’98 y que corresponde al período en el que Embajadores es Área de Rehabilitación Integral. Se presentan y analizan los objetivos de la rehabilitación y luego los instrumentos de orden administrativo, normativo y legal que regulan las actuaciones en el barrio. Sucesivamente se afronta la rehabilitación de la parte residencial, en régimen privado y público, que fue el modelo principal que la Administración llevó a cabo. Se presenta todo el proceso, desde la decisión sobre el tipo de rehabilitación, las subvenciones y las soluciones técnicas adoptadas así como la rehabilitación de casos especiales de edificios, que por sus características, el alto nivel de degradación o porque ocupados por inquilinos con dificultades económicas, se realizó con intervención pública. Las enormes dificultades derivadas de la complicada gestión y de las incongruencias de las normativas también se analizan en este trabajo. El autor presenta un dosier de una veintena de trabajos llevados a cobo en el Barrio de Embajadores a lo largo de más de 15 años de experiencia profesional propia. Se intenta, en primer lugar, evaluar la actuación pública en comparación con la privada en cuanto a los modelos propuestos, a las problemáticas que generan y a los resultados obtenidos. Una segunda línea de argumentación se refiere a la relación que se establece entre los instrumentos que se promueven y los que obligan a la conservación y a la rehabilitación de los edificios. Quizás el elemento más interesante, por su conocida innovación, de la experiencia de la obligación de conservación a cargo de los propietarios y la introducción de una revisión periódica del estado de los edificios (ITE), que conduce a su mantenimiento permanente a lo largo del tiempo. El ultimo instrumento aparecido y de por si el más novedoso se refiere a la política de rehabilitación energética iniciada en los últimos años por el Ayuntamiento de Madrid. ABSTRACT Starting from the early experiences of the ‘80s and tackling the complex and improved contemporary techniques of development, the present thesis focuses on raising awareness of the conservation of urban heritage and deals with the evolution of rehabilitation policies adopted in the historical center of Madrid. The rehabilitation process has proven to be extremely coherent in terms of its objectives and, consequently, the subject of the instruments has forged ahead a trend of diversification and flexibility. Madrid has used the concept of rehabilitation in a comprehensive manner, encompassing a wide range of actions, which involved on the one hand, direct interventions on buildings and on the other, the appreciation of the public space with its representative edifices and endowments. Confident that the social components have not been neglected during the rehabilitation proceedings, the topic will be analysed in relation to the neighbourhood of Embajadores, an authentic area of the old town. From 1998 onwards, this quarter serves as a Comprehensive Rehabilitation Area under the name of Lavapies. Considering the tradition and popularity of the district, Embajadores represents a challenging case for rehabilitation projects, aiming to improve the severe state of deterioration of buildings and urban structures. Having a heterogeneous sociocultural dynamic, the neighbourhood has always hosted waves of immigrants who come to the capital both from other provinces and abroad. The 1980s in Madrid marked the beginning of concerns with urban regeneration and the first attempts to define feasible restoration techniques. During this period, the district of Embajadores has benefited from various pilot projects. The financial investments have significant effects on the overall environment, so the model of general rehabilitation has been encouraged throughout the years. In the early 90s, left by the dissatisfaction of the results obtained, the authorities proposed to reorganise the strategy and proceed to the full rehabilitation of areas, concentrating efforts geographically and temporally. The idea had already been used ten years before, but never encountered the political force to be implemented. Compared to the old town, the Embajadores neighbourhood has been left for the end of the process, which focused on verifying the methods in more restricted areas that caused fewer disruptions. For the Comprehensive Rehabilitation Area of Lavapies, the various types of administrative implementations from architectural to urban and socio-cultural productions have proved effective. The improvements experienced by the neighbourhood from 1998 are obvious to all. However, while the areas of rehabilitation of the city centre have achieved their objectives and prepare for closure, the administration is still generating new directions and new targets for the ancient surroundings: auctions to encourage the improvement of energy interventions and the sustainability level for the buildings of Madrid. Therefore, the first part of the thesis establishes the premises and introduces some relevant points concerning the entire city. It describes the historical development of urban projects, indicating the events that will echo in the rehabilitation process. This paper then turns to discuss the experience of urban regeneration in Spain, emphasising the case of Madrid with reference to models of approach, legislative frameworks and appreciation of the old structures. The second part reveals an in depth case study of the district of Embajadores. At first, the thesis provides insights into the neighbourhood: location, general data on representative buildings and propagated trends, urban, historical data on training, building typologies and characteristics. The section introduces some demographic data to complete the portrait of the elaborate social problems encountered in this district, also outlining the first experiences of rehabilitation: two pilot projects on housing intervention made in the 80s, one private and one public. The central part of the thesis deals with the intensive phase of rehabilitation developments launched in the year '98 when Embajadores joined the Comprehensive Rehabilitation Area. It analyses the goals of rehabilitation and the instruments of administrative, regulatory and governing legal proceedings of the neighbourhood. The following chapter addresses the privately and publicly founded plan of residential rehabilitation that constituted the main model conducted by the authorities. It describes the entire process: deciding the type of restoration, subsidies and technical solutions as well as the degree of rehabilitation for special buildings, which either have a high level of degradation or require public intervention when tenants face financial difficulties. The administrative difficulties caused by the enormous bureaucratic machinery and the inconsistencies in regulations are also discussed in this paper. Thus, a just evaluation of the public and private performances regarding the proposed models of rehabilitation, along with the problems they generate and the results obtained is desired throughout the thesis. A second line of argument concerns the relationship established between the instruments that are promoted and requiring conservation and the building restoration. Perhaps the most interesting and innovative element of the new rehabilitation policies is the owners' obligation to preserve their properties and the introduction of a periodic review for the state of the buildings (ITE). These thorough and meticulous regulations lead to an ongoing maintenance of constructions, preventing them from severe or sudden deteriorations.

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La importancia de conocer bien el entorno para un proyecto arquitectónico es que podemos adaptarlo a nuestras necesidades fisiológicas de Confort Térmico. Podemos decir entonces que el edificio juega un papel fundamental como técnica de control de nuestro entorno. El edificio nos debería entregar un entorno controlado para que nos sintamos bien térmicamente, considerando además, que la arquitectura por sí misma puede lograr dicho confort la mayor parte de las veces. De no ser así, los usuarios tienden a colocar elementos mecánicos, para generar frío o calor artificialmente. Es fundamental entonces que nuestros edificios, tengan una correcta interacción con los recursos naturales del lugar para lograr dicho confort térmico. Pero lograr el Confort Térmico en todos los edificios de una ciudad como unidad, no logrará que la ciudad entera sea confortable térmicamente, ya que las complejas interacciones hacen que la problemática se deba enfrentar como algo sistémico. Esto quiere decir, que para que una ciudad o un conjunto logren la Confortabilidad Térmica deseada por sus habitantes debiera haber sido planificada conforme a variables urbanas que interactúen con el medio natural en forma eficiente. Con la observación de ciertos conjuntos habitacionales antiguos en el interior del Valle del Elqui, Chile y de sus relaciones entre variables urbanas y naturales, queda de manifiesto ciertas características que conllevan a pensar que existió una planificación ambiental en éstos que llevaron a lograr un conjunto con características bioclimáticas. Las evidencias de la existencia en primer lugar de un patrón urbanístico en dichos conjuntos habitacionales antiguos, hacen pensar que dicho patrón se trataría de un patrón bioclimático rural planificado, lo que hace que exista un gran interés por el estudio de estos conjuntos. Hasta ahora, en Chile, los pocos estudios de Confort Térmico que existen, están orientados a edificaciones aisladas, al Confort térmico interior de la edificación en el ámbito urbano, y en nada a Patrones Bioclimáticos de Conjuntos Habitacionales en una situación de ruralidad como a la referida en esta investigación. Además, los estudios referidos al clima urbano, difieren a los del clima rural, por lo que se necesitan mayores estudios aún para comprender mejor la problemática. Es por esto, que la mayoría de los casos mencionados en este estudio son contextualizados al ámbito urbano por carecer de otros estudios rurales. Es en este sentido que esta investigación cobra real importancia y pretende establecer la relación existente entre las variables morfológicas rurales y los recursos naturales del lugar y que generan un confort térmico ideal para sus habitantes, al mismo tiempo, se analiza la existencia de un Patrón Bioclimático en un poblado denominado Algarrobito ubicado en la cuenca del Valle del Elqui, Chile. Es en este sentido que el propósito principal de este trabajo es determinar la real existencia de un Patrón Bioclimático que relacione la morfología rural y edificada de los antiguos poblados pertenecientes a la cuenca del Valle de Elqui Chile con el microclima del lugar. La metodología empleada se basa en realizar primeramente el estudio del microclima del lugar a través de las Cartas Bioclimáticas. Para ello se obtuvo información de datos climatológicos de las estaciones meteorológicas ubicadas en la cuenca del Valle de Elqui, principalmente las más cercanas al lugar de estudio. Mediante una revisión exhaustiva de la información arquitectónica, así como de una labor de reconocimiento en terreno realizada en el poblado seleccionado y de la aplicación del Climograma local, se identificaron las diferentes zonas bioclimáticas del poblado antiguo y potenciales áreas de estudio en el conjunto. Esta actividad incluyó un estudio preliminar de la energía solar local, vientos, humedad, temperaturas y su interacción con el conjunto, permitiendo una primera aproximación a la problemática del espacio exterior y las viviendas. Esto permitió en base a las condicionantes del lugar, la arquitectura vernácula y los materiales descubrir un Patrón en el antiguo conjunto que permitía entregar confortabilidad térmica a sus habitantes y darse cuenta también, que el nuevo conjunto emplazado en el sector no seguía ese patrón con las disfuncionalidades que ello llevaba. Con esto quedó demostrado en primer lugar la existencia de un Patrón Bioclimático rural, los beneficios del patrón, la importancia de éste como causante de Confortabilidad Térmica del conjunto, y por ende de mejor eficiencia energética, así como también, que el nuevo conjunto no sigue para nada este Patrón, pero que existe también la posibilidad de rectificación y por supuesto, que los nuevos desarrollos residenciales del Valle del Elqui, puedan planificarse en base al patrón bioclimático descubierto. ABSTRACT Knowing the environment of an architectonic proyect is really important for adjusting it to our physiological needs of Thermal Comfort. So we can say that the building plays a key role as a technique of control of our environment. The building should give us a controlled environment to make us feel good thermally, and it usually can reach pleasurable temperatures by itself. If it isn't like that, people cooled or heated the ambience with mechanical elements. So a correct interaction between the buildings and natural resources is important to reach a thermal comfort. But achieving Thermal Comfort in all the buildings of a city as a unit will not achieve the whole city is thermally comfortable, because the complex interactions cause the problem needs to be solved as something systemic. This means that for a city or a set reach the Thermal Comfortability desired by its inhabitants, it should have been planned according to the urban variables that interact with the natural environment efficiently. Observing some old housing complexes in Elqui Valley, Chile, and the relationships between their natural and urban variables, some features lead to think that the environmental planning in these led to achieve a set with bioclimatic features. First, the evidences about the existence of an urban pattern in those old housing complexes, make thinking that the pattern would be a planned urban pattern, which generates interest in its study. In Chile, there have been few studies about Thermal Comfort, oriented to isolated buildings and indoor thermal comfort, but Bioclimatic Urban Patterns haven't been studied at all. In this sense, this investigation acquires a real importance and pretends to establish the relationship between urban variables and natural resources of the place that generates a good thermal comfort for its habitants. At the same time, the existence of a Bioclimatic Urban Pattern in Algarrobito, located in Elqui Valley basin, Chile, is analized. It is in this sense that the main purpose of this work is to determine the real existence of a Bioclimatic Urban Pattern, that links the urban and constructive form of the old villages of it with its microclimate. The methodology used is based on performing first the study of the microclimate of the place through the Bioclimatic Cards. To do this, weather stations, located in Elqui valley, near the place that was studied, were used to obtain information of climatological data. The different bioclimatic zones to the old town and potential areas of study in the set were identified, through an exhaustive review of the architectural information, a field reconnaissance work performed on the selected town and the application of the Local Climograph. This activity included a preliminary study of the local solar energy, the winds, the moisture, the temperatures, and their interaction with the set, allowing a first aproximation to troubles of outer space and housing. This allowed, based on the conditions of the place, vernacular architecture and materials, discovering an urban pattern in the old set, which allowed to give thermal comfort to its inhabitants and realize that the new set of the place did not follow this pattern, with the dysfunctions that it carried. These points demonstrated, in first place, the existence of a Bioclimatic Urban Pattern, the benefits of it, the importance of it as a cause of Thermal Comfortability, and therefore a better efficiency of energy, also that the new set doesn’t follow this Pattern at all, but that the posibility of rectification exists and, of course, that the new residencial development in Elqui Valley can be planned based on bioclimatic pattern discovered.

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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Topographical map of the county of Penobscot Maine, from surveys under the direction of H.F. Walling; field work under the direction of L.H. Eaton. It was published by Lee & Marsh in 1859, Scale 1:80,000. This layer is image 1 of 2 total images, representing the southwest portion of the four sheet source map. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Universal Transverse Mercator projection (UTM Zone 19N, meters, NAD1983). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as roads, railroads, drainage, public buildings, schools, churches, cemeteries, industry locations (e.g. mills, factories, mines, etc.), private buildings with names of property owners, town boundaries, and more. Relief shown by hachures. It includes many cadastral insets of individual county towns and villages. It also includes illustrations, business directories, and tables of statistics and distances.This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps of New England from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and map purposes.

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Vols. 1-2, 7-8; c1911.

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v. 1-2. Poems.--v. 4. Prudence Palfrey and A Rivermouth romance.--v. 5. The queen of Sheba, and My cousin the colonel.--v. 6. The Stillwater tragedy.--v. 7. The story of a bad boy, The little violinist, and other sketches.--v. 8. From Ponkapog to Pesth and An old town by the sea.--v. 9. Ponkapog papers, A sea turn, and other papers.