Assibi A. Amidu 2009. Matrix Nominal Phrases in Kiswahili Bantu. A Study of their Effects on Argument Syntax.

Assibi A. Amidu's contribution is undoubtedly a highly challenging one to the direct study of the Kiswahili Bantu language. Aiming at complementing the existing grammars and monographs of living languages the author intends to illuminate some paradoxes of the Kiswahili syntax and morphology. Having defined this aim he presents a clearly structured monograph to the interested reader, consisting of six chapters, relating to one another.

What nominal phrases are all about: the atypical case of indefinite pronouns with a determiner

This paper presents novel data that challenge the traditional categorial understanding of the nominal phrase. The established use of an indefinite pronoun with a determiner in French (ce quelqu'un, du n'importe quoi, un je ne sais quoi) contravenes assumptions both about pronouns, which should not be embedded, and nominal phrases, which should be headed by a noun. Analysed here for the first time, the embedding of a pronoun under a determiner is shown to find its justification in the semantic import of the construction. The anaphoric role guaranteeing referential continuity is promoted by a strong determiner; weak determiners typically contribute to constructing a designative use of the pronoun when a more precise characterisation cannot or will not be provided. How this construction would be analysed in the Minimalist Programme is presented to suggest that the phrase satisfies semantic requirements, which resolves the paradoxes of its traditional definition

Determiner spreading as DP-predication

Determiner Spreading (DS) occurs in adjectivally modified nominal phrases comprising more than one definite article, a phenomenon that has received considerable attention and has been extensively described in Greek. This paper discusses the syntactic properties of DS in detail and argues that DS structures are both arguments and predication configurations involving two DPs. This account successfully captures the word-order facts and the distinctive interpretation of DS, while also laying the groundwork towards unifying it with other structures linking two DPs in a predicative relation.

Comments on the review by Kathrin Tiewa

The review of the book Matrix nominal Phrases in Kiswahili Bantu (2009), Rüdiger Köppe Verlag, in Afrikanistik online is lucid and welcome. We appreciate it very much. There are, however, a few inexactitudes that need to be corrected.

Locuciones nominales francesas con el término coup y su traducción al español

La existencia de unidades fraseológicas (UF) supone un enriquecimiento en el seno de cada lengua. De cara a la traducción, sin embargo, las UF suelen plantear dificultades tanto en la fase de comprensión como en la de reescritura, a la hora de buscar equivalentes adecuados. En el caso de la combinación lingüística francés-español, la cercanía entre ambas lenguas facilita, en ocasiones, la comprensión, pero, a su vez, propicia fenómenos como los falsos amigos en el proceso traslativo. El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar parte de un amplio estudio realizado a partir de la clasificación y el análisis de expresiones francesas que contienen el término coup y su traducción al español. Para ello, justificaremos la elección del tema y expondremos la metodología llevada a cabo; definiremos qué es una unidad fraseológica y qué tipos existen; ilustraremos con ejemplos parte de nuestro estudio, la relativa a las locuciones nominales; y esbozaremos las conclusiones más sobresalientes.

On the (un)-ambiguity of adjectival modification in Spanish determiner phrases: informing debates on the mental representations of L2 syntax.

This study contributes to a central debate within contemporary generative second language (L2) theorizing: the extent to which adult learners are (un)able to acquire new functional features that result in a L2 grammar that is mentally structured like the native target (see White, 2003). The adult acquisition of L2 nominal phi-features is explored, with focus on the syntactic and semantic reflexes in the related domain of adjective placement in two experimental groups: English-speaking intermediate (n = 21) and advanced (n = 24) learners of Spanish, as compared to a native-speaker control group (n = 15). Results show that, on some of the tasks, the intermediate L2 learners appear to have acquired the syntactic properties of the Spanish determiner phrase but, on other tasks, to show some delay with the semantic reflexes of prenominal and postnominal adjectives. Crucially, however, our data demonstrate full convergence by all advanced learners and thus provide evidence in contra the predictions of representational deficit accounts (e.g., Hawkins & Chan, 1997; Hawkins & Franceschina, 2004; Hawkins & Hattori, 2006).

Concordância nominal de número na fala infantil : análise variacionista

Este trabalho tem como proposta investigar aspectos relacionados à concordância nominal de número na fala de crianças monolíngües no português do Brasil. O parâmetro analítico segue as descrições sobre o fenômeno na fala adulta, sob o arcabouço da Sociolingüística Quantitativa. Dessa forma, a investigação que aqui se apresenta estrutura-se tanto em aspectos lingüísticos quanto sociais. Nosso objetivo é observar, se tal como na fala adulta, a concordância nominal de número caracteriza-se como uma regra variável na fala infantil. Nossa análise organiza-se em dois momentos. O primeiro, denominado análise atomística, focaliza as motivações estruturais do sistema lingüístico condicionantes da presença da marca formal de plural em cada constituinte sintagmático. A segunda parte, denominada análise não atomística, analisa o sintagma nominal como um todo e averigua os condicionamentos extralingüísticos no que diz respeito à produção de SNs plurais padrão e não-padrão na fala da criança, nos termos estipulados pela norma gramatical. Para tal propósito, tomamos para análise quatro coletas transversais de crianças, recobrindo um período etário dos quatro aos oito anos de idade. De modo geral, os resultados encontrados sugerem um comportamento verbal semelhante ao dos adultos, embora muitos dos fatores discutidos não tenham significância estatística, conforme a análise realizada com o pacote de programas estatístico VARBRUL.

AI, LA, ALI e AQUI: gramaticalização de um paradigma emergente no domínio funcional da especificação nominal

In the light of the Functional Linguistic Theory, in its North-American version (HOPPER, 1987, 1991, 1998, 2008, 2010; GIVÓN, 2001; LEHMANN, 2002; HOPPER; TRAUGOTT, 2003; FURTADO DA CUNHA; OLIVEIRA; MARTELOTTA, 2003, among others), the general objective of this research is to demonstrate, based on morphosyntactic and semantic-pragmatic properties, that AQUI (HERE), AÍ, ALI and LÁ (THERE) are part of an emerging paradigm in Brazilian Portuguese recently constituted and still developing of forms indicating specificity in indefinite noun phrases (NP). The data that make up the corpus of this research were collected in the following large Brazilian oral corpora: the Corpus Discurso & Gramática: a língua falada e escrita na cidade de Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 1998), the Banco Conversacional de Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 2010), the Projeto Variação Linguística no Estado da Paraíba VALPB (HORA, 2005) and the Projeto Variação Linguística Urbana na Região Sul do Brasil VARSUL (VANDRESEN, 2002). Firstly, the behavior of the specificity markings AQUI, AÍ, ALI and LÁ is described with respect to many factors of morphosyntactic and semantic-pragmatic nature: type of construction in which the markers appeared; existence or not of intervening material between the specificity marker item and the NP s nuclear noun; type of noun to which AQUI, AÍ, ALI and LÁ are linked; syntactic function of the specified SN; informational status of the NP to which the specificity markers AQUI, AÍ, ALI and LÁ are attached; occurrence of conversational implicatures (GRICE, 1982) in the context of use of these specificity markers. Next, a possible grammaticalization trajectory is outlined, according to which AQUI, AÍ, ALI and LÁ would had gone from an early spatial deictic indication to the specificity indication. The results point to the existence of forms with varying degree of emergence in this new paradigm of nominal specification, with AÍ being, probably, the item most grammaticalized, followed by LÁ, then ALI and AQUI, which permanence in the paradigm do not yet appear to be consolidated

Nominal compounds in Mapudungun

It is perhaps unsurprising that the rich agglutinative-polysynthetic verb morphology of Mapudungun has drawn most attention in linguistic studies. So far unnoticed in the literature are Mapudungun complex noun phrases, which show a puzzling distribution in terms of the internal structure they display. Some complex NPs are head-final (mapu-che ‘people of the land’). Others are head-initial, and of these a subset appears to be less lexicalized. In some cases, all three possibilities are found with the same components: mamüll-che ‘wood people’, che-mamüll ‘people made of wood’, and che mamüll ‘wood-like people’. The present paper reviews the comparatively modest literature on these phenomena, deals with them in an account based on semantic factors, and places them in a broader typological context.

Link-the-Wiki : performance evaluation based on frequent phrases

In this paper, we discuss our participation to the INEX 2008 Link-the-Wiki track. We utilized a sliding window based algorithm to extract the frequent terms and phrases. Using the extracted phrases and term as descriptive vectors, the anchors and relevant links (both incoming and outgoing) are recognized efficiently.

Unidentified vehicle in multi-vehicle accident - failure to notify Nominal Defendant no bar to proceedings against it

In Kumar v Suncorp Metway Insurance Limited [2004] QSC 381 Douglas J examined s37 of the Motor Accident Insurance Act 1994 (Qld) in the context of an accident involving multiple insurers when a notice of accident had not been given to the Nominal Defendant

La coordination et les phrases juxtaposées en français

Coordination and juxtaposed sentences The object of this study is the examination of the relations between juxtaposed clauses in contemporary French. The matter in question is sentences which are composed of several clauses adjoined without a conjunction or other connector, as in: Je détournai les yeux, mon c ur se mit à battre. The aim of the study is to determine, which quality is the relation in these sentences and, on the other hand, what is the part of the coordination there. Furthermore, what is this relation of coordination, which, according to some grammars, manifests through a conjunction of coordination, but which, according to some others is marked in juxtaposed sentences through different features. The study is based on a corpus of written French from literary and journalistic text sources. Syntactic, semantic and textual properties in the clauses are discussed. The analysis points to differences so, it has been noted, in each case, if one of the clauses is affirmative and the other negative and if in the second clause, the subject has not been repeated. Also, an analysis has been made on the ground of the tense, mode, phrase structure type, and thematic structure, taking into account, in each case, if the clauses are identical or different. Punctuation has been one of the properties considered. The final aim has been to eliminate gradually, based on the partition of properties, subordinate sentences, so that only the hard core of coordinate sentences remains. In this way, the coordination could be defined similarly as the phoneme is defined as a group of distinctive features. The quantitative analyses have led to the conclusion that the sentences which, from a semantic point of view, are interpreted as coordinating, contain the least of these differences, while the sentences which can be considered as subordinating present the most of these differences. The conditions of coordination are, in that sense, hierarchical, so that the syntactic constraints have to make room for semantic, textual and cognitive factors. It is interesting to notice that everyone has the ability to produce correct coordinating structures and recognize incorrect coordinating structures. This can be explained by the human ability to categorize which has been widely researched in the semantic of prototype. The study suggests that coordination and subordination could be considered as prototypical cognitive categories based on different linguistic and pragmatic features.

Problems of Proto-Slavic Historical Nominal Morphology : On the Basis of Old Church Slavic

In this study I offer a diachronic solution for a number of difficult inflectional endings in Old Church Slavic nominal declensions. In this context I address the perhaps most disputed and the most important question of the Slavic nominal inflectional morphology: whether there was in Proto-Slavic an Auslautgesetz (ALG), a law of final syllables, that narrowed the Proto-Indo-European vowel */o/ to */u/ in closed word-final syllables. In addition, the work contains an exhaustive morphological classification of the nouns and adjectives that occur in canonical Old Church Slavic. I argue that Proto-Indo-European */o/ became Proto-Slavic */u/ before word-final */s/ and */N/. This conclusion is based on the impossibility of finding credible analogical (as opposed to phonological) explanations for the forms supporting the ALG hypothesis, and on the survival of the neuter gender in Slavic. It is not likely that the */o/-stem nominative singular ending */-u/ was borrowed from the accusative singular, because the latter would have been the only paradigmatic form with the stem vowel */-u-/. It is equally unlikely that the ending */-u/ was borrowed from the */u/-stems, because the latter constituted a moribund class. The usually stated motivation for such an analogical borrowing, i.e. a need to prevent the merger of */o/-stem masculines with neuters of the same class, is not tenable. Extra-Slavic, as well as intra-Slavic evidence suggests that phonologically-triggered mergers between two semantically opaque genders do not tend to be prevented, but rather that such mergers lead to the loss of the gender opposition in question. On the other hand, if */-os/ had not become */-us/, most nouns and, most importantly, all adjectives and pronouns would have lost the formal distinction between masculines and neuters. This would have necessarily resulted in the loss of the neuter gender. A new explanation is given for the most apparent piece of evidence against the ALG hypothesis, the nominative-accusative singular of the */es/-stem neuters, e.g. nebo 'sky'. I argue that it arose in late Proto-Slavic dialects, replacing regular nebe, under the influence of the */o/- and */yo/-stems where a correlation had emerged between a hard root-final consonant and the termination -o, on the one hand, and a soft root-final consonant and the termination -e, on the other.