Of Law, Lawlessness, and Sovereignty : Multinational Peacekeeping and International Law

Laws of war have been carefully defined by individual nations’ own codes of law as well as by supranational bodies. Yet the international scene has seen an increasing movement away from traditionally declared war toward multinational peacekeeping missions geared at containing local conflicts when perceived as potential threats to their respective regions’ political stability. While individual nations’ laws governing warfare presuppose national sovereignty, the multinational nature of peacekeeping scenarios can blur the lines of command structures, soldiers’ national loyalties, occupational jurisdiction, and raise profound questions as to which countries’ moral sense/governmental system is to be the one upheld. Historically increasingly complex international relations have driven increasingly detailed internationally drafted guidelines for countries’ interactions while at war, yet there are operational, legislative, and moral issues arising in multinational peacekeeping situations which these laws do not address at all. The author analyzes three unique peacekeeping operations in light of these legislative voids and suggests systematic points to consider to the end of protecting the peacekeepers, the national interests of the countries involved, operational matters, and clearly delineating both the objective and logical boundaries of a given multinational peacekeeping mission.

Bosnia, Kosovo and the EU: Is Accession Possible without Full Sovereignty?

Bosnia and Kosovo are the only two members of the EU enlargement zone that have never tried to apply for EU membership, given that both are too far from complying with the required minimum standards. But besides lacking basic capacities, these two potential candidates share another common feature: both are limited, to different degrees, in their national sovereignty. This lack of sovereignty not only limits the capacity of the potential candidates to negotiate or to enter into agreements with the EU; it also undermines their readiness to undertake serious reforms. The EU tries to dodge the political blockades that are the root cause of the problem by focusing on the technical issues; this might provide a temporary relief but cannot substitute a realistic accession perspective, which is currently absent. However, without this perspective, the EU’s ‘normative power’ in these countries will continue to erode – which bears the risk that both Kosovo and Bosnia will, in the end, try to solve existing problems through unilateral measures, such as partition. Given its lack of ability to provide alternatives, the EU has to realistically consider such outcomes and think about the possible consequences.

Globalizáció, nemzeti szuverenitás és demokrácia. Magyarország helyzete a globális világban (Globalization, national sovereignity and democracy)

Korunk új világrendjében alapvetően átrendeződik a globalizáció, a nemzeti szuverenitás és a demokrácia viszonya. Ebben az új helyzetben minden országnak, köztük hazánknak is elkerülhetetlenül szembe kell nézni azzal a körülménnyel, amit Dani Rodrik fogalmazott meg és a globális világgazdaság politikai trilemmájának nevezett, hogy e hármas egyidejűleg nem valósítható meg. E trilemmára adott válasz pedig alapvetően meghatározza azt, hogy miként alakul a világ és benne hazánk jövőbeni sorsa. A cikk e trilemma kialakulásának mozgatóerőivel, az arra adható válaszokkal foglalkozik, kísérletet téve arra, hogy Magyarországra vonatkozó tanulságokat is levonjon. / === / Our contemporary world has basically rearranged the relationship between globalization, national sovereignty and democracy. In this new situation all countries including Hungary have to face the great challenges under the political trilemma of the global economy, coined by D. Rodrik. The answers given by countries to it will determine the future development path of the whole world, and of course Hungary's one as well. The driving forces behind this dilemma and the possible answers for it are the subject of the paper.

Establishing continental sovereignty in Africa: risk and opportunity in financial integration - lessons for Africa from a legal perspective

This thesis identifies and defines the new African sovereignty. It establishes a modern sovereignty in Africa hatched from the changing nature of sovereignty in which countries come together at various levels or grades of partial surrender of national sovereignty in order to work closer together for their mutual advantage and benefit. To this end, the narrative zooms in on the central issues within the realms of money matters whereby a new model of monetary sovereignty and monetary solutions is designed in an attempt to ease the recurring tensions and challenges of modern national sovereignty in the continent of Africa. As such, this discussion will offer a historical journey through the constitution of sovereignty, to the birth of the nation state and international public law. It develops the theory of the changing nature of sovereignty within the modern state and opens new lines of inquiry for Africa. In this regard, it draws from juxtaposing and mixing elements of regional and global financial integration as well as retaining national financial sovereignty features to form this new design which I dub continental sovereignty. At its core, the thesis will deal with the legal aspects that stem from the co-mingling of legal systems of nation states and communities at the regional and global levels within the context of financial integration. The argument is that the rule of law remains sacrosanct in monetary management. Effective financial integration is the result of properly structured and managed legal frameworks with robust laws and institutions whether at a national, regional or global level. However, the thesis reveals that in order to avoid undermining the progress of Africa’s financial integration project, any solution for Africa must be immersed within a broader global solution where development issues are addressed and resolved and Africa can form a more central part in all relevant international discussion fora. The work will expound these issues by applying them within a regional and global context, with the state of affairs in Africa forming the nucleus. This application consequently presents the six key themes of the thesis which will be considered therein. They are: a.) regional advantage: which exploits the possibilities of deeper and further financial integration between smaller communal arrangements; b.) regional risk and exposure: the extent to which this deeper form of financial integration can spiral out of control if effected too quickly and too ambitiously; c.) global advantage: which considers the merits of global financial integration and the influence exerted by financial laws on the global financial architecture; d.) global risk and exposure: which considers the challenges of global financial integration especially within the background of the Global Financial Crisis 2007-2008; e.) African challenge: which considers the extent to which this analysis impacts the African economic and financial integration agenda; and f.) development challenge: which examines the extent to which global development issues impact the African solution (continental sovereignty) and the need for any solution for the continent to be roped into a broader global solution within which Africa can form an important part. Even though the thesis requests an optimistic undertone on the progress made so far, it unearths the African problem of multiple national sovereignty and multiple overlapping regional sovereignty constituted as the ‘spaghetti bowl’ dilemma. As such, the unique contribution to knowledge on financial integration in Africa can be echoed in these words: Africa‘s financial integration agenda has had little success in authenticating a systematic and dependable legal framework for monetary management. Efforts made have been incomplete, substandard, and not carefully followed through particularly reflected in the impuissant nature of the judicial enforcement mechanisms. Thus, the thesis argues that, any meaningful answer to the problems dogging the continent is inter alia deeply entrenched within a new form of cooperative monetary sovereignty. In other words, the thesis does not prescribe the creation of new laws; rather it advocates the effective enforcement of existing laws.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

O estatuto laboral do trabalhador estrangeiro em Portugal

After reading about the current legal regime regarding the foreign workers we realize the high relevance this area has, nevertheless the research about these issues has been lying somewhat stagnant in Portugal, particularly as it refers to non-EU citizens. At a time when we witness a progressive increase of the migratory movements we propose ourselves, in this study, to understand more clearly the current legal system in the matter of foreign worker rights, and, from a pragmatic point of view, to question some choices of the legislator in order to understand if these serves to the best protection of the rights and duties of the foreign workers and the new situations arising from this phenomenon, considering any system weaknesses. However, we realize that much remains to be done in this field, both in terms of true equal rights between nationals and foreigners, and either as what regards to an effort to harmonize these issues by the States, which tend to favor national sovereignty and its economic interests rather than protecting the fundamental rights of workers.

Panorama de propriedade intelectual, transferência de tecnologia e inovação da química brasileira e a comparação com os países do BRIC

Based on Science, Technology & Innovation (ST&I) indicators, Brazil is a competitive and interesting country from the point of view of technological foreign investment. However, it is still incipient with regard to national investments, production of technological knowledge, inbound mobility of scientists and technology transfer to the productive sector. Among many other factors, global patent production is considered as an important indicator of innovation. Likewise, the balance between revenue and expenses obtained through royalties and licensing fees of technologies is also critical in mapping the diffusion and absorption of knowledge. The understanding of intellectual property and its strategic management brings a significant advantage to the economic and technological development of nations, especially in the field of chemistry, which greatly contributes to biotechnology, new materials and microelectronics - three fundamental areas for innovation in developed countries. Therefore, this article aims to map out competencies in chemistry in Brazil and evaluate science, technology and innovation indicators in the country, comparing this dynamic to the one of other BRIC members (Russia, India and China). Chemistry is the fourth biggest field of interest in Brazil based on the number of researchers registered at the governmental platform for researchers, Plataforma Lattes/CNPq, and is preceded by education, medicine and agronomy. The majority of research groups are registered in the area of materials, followed by macromolecules and polymers, pharmaceutical products and basic materials chemistry. These groups represent approximately 77% of research groups analyzed, therefore, indicating a tendency in the country. The analyses of patents in different sub-areas of chemistry reveal that non-residents file most deposits in the country, a probable reflection of the low internal intellectual property culture. Pharmaceutics and Fine Chemistry are prominent areas in the country, in line with the global trend. Among BRIC countries, China has the highest number of patents and of requests for protection in international offices. On the other hand, Brazil has the lowest number of chemical patents published at USPTO, EPO and JPO. An analysis of the transfer of technology data indicates an increase in this activity in various sub-areas of chemistry in the country. Despite the great efforts made by the country to consolidate its national innovation system, more needs to be done to put Brazil in a competitive position. In a globalized world dominated by large players, Brazil needs a lot of progress on ownership and generation of chemistry technologies to strengthen its national sovereignty. It is essential to strengthen chemical research at all levels, from elementary school to university, as an inexhaustible source of knowledge and technology that, when properly protected, may generate real public achievement and social return.

News in the age of empire : two war scandals

This thesis argues that the motivations underpinning the mainstream news media have fundamentally changed in the 21 sl century. As such, the news is no longer best understood as a tool for propaganda or agenda setting; instead it seems that the news is only motivated by the flow of global network capitalism. The author contrasts the work of Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman with that of Gilles Deleuze. Chomsky and Herman's 'Propaganda Model' has been influential within the fields of media studies and popular culture. The 'propaganda model' states that the concentration of ownership of the media has allowed the media elite to exert a disproportionate amount of influence over the mass media. Deleuze, on the other hand, regards the mass media as being yet another cog within the global capitalist mechanism, and is therefore separate from ideology or propaganda. The author proposes that 'propaganda' is no longer a sufficient word to describe the function of the news as terms like 'propaganda' imply some form of national sovereignty or governmental influence. To highlight how the news has 'changed from an instrument of propaganda to an instrument of accumulation, the author compares and contrasts the· coverage of the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal with that of the Haditha Civilian Massacre. Although similar in nature, the author proposes that the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal received a disproportionate amount of coverage within the mainstream press because of its exciting and sensational nature.

L'exécution des décisions de la Cour internationale de Justice : faiblesses et malentendus

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit international (LL.M)"

Une analyse de la sanction économique en droit international

Le principal reproche qui est adressé au droit international est la faiblesse de ses mécanismes de sanctions. Pour cette raison, plusieurs penseurs juridiques ont conclu que le droit international n'existait pas. Le présent mémoire vise donc à étudier la rhétorique derrière cette affirmation et à examiner sa validité. Pour ce faire, nous analysons dans un premier temps la relation entre la sanction et le droit à travers le cadre positiviste du XIXe siècle. Nous étudions tour à tour les soi-disant critères constitutifs de la sanction. Nous les comparons avec d'autres ordres non juridiques pour ensuite rejeter le postulat positiviste qui fait de la contrainte et de la centralisation des pouvoirs les éléments essentiels de la sanction. Nous étudions ensuite le cadre d'adoption des sanctions économiques du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies. Cette étape nous permet d'expliquer les principales faiblesses et limitations du droit international. Parmi celles-ci, le manque de coopération internationale, le droit de veto et le principe de la souveraineté nationale sont les éléments qui freinent l'adoption des sanctions coopération internationale. Nous examinons ensuite les objectifs derrière l'imposition des sanctions ainsi que leur efficacité. Finalement, nous étudions les embargos en général et les embargos sur les armes. Cette étude nous permet d'une part de démontrer les effets des sanctions économiques sur la population civile et sur les États tiers. D'autre part, elle nous permet de mieux comprendre les problèmes relatifs à l'administration d'une sanction, ainsi qu'aux mesures de contournement des interdictions.

L'Internet: un reflet de la concurence des souverainetés

Bien que la souveraineté apparaisse aujourd'hui comme un concept juridique autonome, cela ne fut pas toujours le cas. Comme le souligne l’auteur de ce texte, notre société est passée d'une souveraineté mystique, celle de l'Église, à une souveraineté laïque, celle de l'État, pour aboutir, aujourd'hui, à une souveraineté plurielle ou composite. L'avènement d'un réseau de masse, comme l'Internet, vient encore une fois changer la donne. Ainsi, le concept de souveraineté informationnelle, discuté à la fin des années 70, semble aujourd’hui suranné, voire obsolète, à la lumière des nouveaux environnements électroniques. Conscient de cette évolution et de ses conséquence, l’auteur propose une réflexion historique et conceptuelle du principe de souveraineté afin de réévaluer les critères de territorialité et d'espace physique en tant que pivots autour desquels s'articule le concept de souveraineté nationale. L'État d'aujourd'hui ne pouvant aspirer seul à réglementer les transactions économiques transnationales, cet article nous pousse à nous questionner sur le sens que doit prendre le terme « souveraineté » à l’aube de l’ère numérique.

Incidencia de la Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática en las relaciones diplomáticas Colombo-Ecuatorianas desde Agosto de 2002 a Marzo de 2008

Las relaciones entre Colombia y Ecuador se han mantenido en una dinámica histórica de cooperación y conflicto donde se ha buscado mantener unos lazos de vecindad y convivencia en calma. La proximidad geográfica y además un marco histórico-cultural similar, ha llevado a la generación de fuertes alianzas socio-económicas entre las poblaciones fronterizas, de tal manera que se ha desarrollado una integración binacional compleja. Esta relación en la última década ha mantenido una incapacidad institucional binacional para solucionar los problemas transfronterizos, pues la política de vecindad se encontraba determinada por la situación interna de cada país y la injerencia de las dinámicas continentales. La coyuntura interna de los Estados direccionó sus políticas, Ecuador estaba envuelto en una inestabilidad política, generada por continuos cambios de gobierno, lo cual hacía cambiar su posición frente a las relaciones con Colombia en cortos lapsos de tiempo, de tal forma que se desestabilizaban los proyectos conjuntos. Por otro lado Colombia dada la problemática del conflicto interno basó su agenda en el tema de la seguridad puesto que éste flagelo agudizaba los problemas socio-políticos, de tal forma que el Estado colombiano se vio enfrentado a una crisis interna que encontró una salida a través de la Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática instaurada por el Presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez en el 2002,la cual trajo consigo un método de lucha basado en la seguridad con acciones dirigidas a garantizar el control del territorio y la defensa de la soberanía nacional, combatiendo el problema de las drogas, el crimen organizado, el terrorismo y las migraciones por desplazamiento forzoso; mediante la generación de lazos de solidaridad que unieron a la población colombiana en torno a la solución del problema. Ésta política ha trabajado en la seguridad a nivel interno y de defensa nacional, pues dada la magnitud de la amenaza se hizo necesario fortalecer el apoyo internacional con énfasis en los países fronterizos. De ahí que Colombia haya hecho un llamado a la comunidad internacional para desarrollar un trabajo coordinado que impida la implicación de redes del terrorismo internacional en las actividades de los grupos armados ilegales colombianos. La ampliación del conflicto colombiano ha afectado a Ecuador, el cual se ha visto perturbado negativamente por la lucha interna colombiana a partir de la Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática.

Estado del arte acerca de las discusiones teóricas sobre soberanía del estado y la unión monetaria europea entre 2002 - 2010. Caso: El Reino Unido

El siguiente trabajo tiene como objetivo el Estado del arte acerca de la discusión teórica de la repercusión de la unión monetaria en el principio de soberanía nacional, específicamente el caso de Gran Bretaña, ya que éste es el único país que expresa abiertamente su incertidumbre referente a algún tipo de amenaza a su soberanía. Se pretende precisar si existen criterios concluyentes, o por el contrario determinar si no hay claridad con respecto al futuro de Gran Bretaña como miembro de la unión monetaria.A partir de lo anterior, se plantean como sus propósitos particulares construir un marco conceptual acerca de la soberanía. Este estado del arte se inicia con citas de los principales autores de finales de siglo XVII y XVIII y finaliza con las posiciones conceptuales aportadas por los teóricos modernos motivados por el nacimiento de la Unión Europea como un nuevo orden político. Entre las que se citan: modelo centrico o intergubernamentalista, modelo de gobernabilidad multi-nivel, modelo neo-funcionalista y modelo federalista. Igualmente, el trabajo, busca desarrollar un marco conceptual sobre Unión Monetaria y su evolución hasta el logro de una unión fiscal europea en el periodo de 1950-2010, establecer las relaciones teóricas entre Soberanía del Estado y Unión Monetaria y por último realizar un análisis histórico hermenéutico de la Unión Europea y el caso del Reino Unido de acuerdo a las relaciones evidenciadas en los apartados teóricos entre soberanía del Estado y Unión Monetaria.