Optimal taxation without state-contingent debt

To recover a version of Barro's (1979) `random walk'tax smoothing outcome, we modify Lucas and Stokey's (1983) economyto permit only risk--free debt. This imparts near unit root like behaviorto government debt, independently of the government expenditureprocess, a realistic outcome in the spirit of Barro's. We showhow the risk--free--debt--only economy confronts the Ramsey plannerwith additional constraints on equilibrium allocations thattake the form of a sequence of measurability conditions.We solve the Ramsey problem by formulating it in terms of a Lagrangian,and applying a Parameterized Expectations Algorithm tothe associated first--order conditions. The first--order conditions andnumerical impulse response functions partially affirmBarro's random walk outcome. Though the behaviors oftax rates, government surpluses, and government debts differ, allocationsare very close for computed Ramsey policies across incomplete and completemarkets economies.

The sage of Sinnissippi. Being a brief sketch of the life of Congressman Frank Orren Lowden, of Oregon, Illinois, brief sketches of his rivals in political battles, a short artical relating to his availability as a presidential candidate for 1908, and an official and authentic account of state elections in Illinois, statistically, combined with a roll of honor of the nation, the state, the county, and the village, the home of the author ...

Mode of access: Internet.

Can the Paks-2 Nuclear Power Plant operate without State aid? A business economic analysis

Many studies have investigated the prospects for returns, the budgetary and financing background and energy management effects of the new nuclear power plant units to be built at Paks. This document seeks to complement previous economics-based studies by adding a new criterion. The key question in our analysis is whether the power plant company will be capable of independent operations in an economic sense - or will its survival depend on further additional aid by the owner, i.e. via the central budget, after its commissioning? We shall examine from a corporate perspective in what ways the already disclosed financing terms and conditions may affect the everyday operations of the power plant company.

Between Nation and State: Albanian Associations from Ottoman Origins to a Communist Party, 1880 - 1945

This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.

Nationalisme, construction nationale et «action extérieure» : les entités nationales non souveraines espagnoles et l’Union européenne (1992-2008)

Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution des relations des « nationalités historiques » espagnoles avec l’Union européenne dans les années 1992-2008. L’analyse se concentre sur la genèse d’une paradiplomatie nationaliste européenne dont l’objectif est la reconnaissance de l’identité nationale de ces communautés au sein de l’Union européenne. Après avoir obtenu une certaine reconnaissance nationale et un statut privilégié en Espagne, les élites de ces « nations sans État » ont remarqué que le processus de construction de l’Union européenne a des conséquences négatives sur leur autonomie et, dans ce contexte, ces élites nationalistes sont obligées à concevoir une vraie politique européenne pour protéger leurs intérêts nationaux en Espagne et dans l’Union européenne. À partir de l’étude des rapports établis entre les « nationalités historiques » espagnoles avec l’Union européenne, nous démontrons que l’involution autonomique (en Espagne) et le manque d’empathie de l’Union européenne envers ces communautés nationales sont les principales causes de la genèse de leur politique européenne. Loin d’être simplement associée à une forme de régionalisme ou de néo-régionalisme, cette politique étrangère (« action extérieure ») de ces entités envers l’Union européenne fait partie d’un processus de construction nationale et pourrait être définie comme une paradiplomatie nationaliste. La présente thèse, basée sur une analyse de la politique européenne des « nationalités historiques » entre 1992 et 2008, soutient que les limites du dessein institutionnel de l’Union européenne représentent la principale raison d’être de l’évolution de la paradiplomatie nationaliste vers une protodiplomatie apparemment incohérente. Dans une telle situation, l’inaptitude institutionnelle de l’Union européenne à accommoder les demandes nationalistes serait une cause majeure de l’échec des initiatives nationalistes autonomistes et, en même temps, une cause de l’émergence d’un nouveau courant nationaliste au sein des élites des « nations sans État » occidentales, dont le but est la construction d’un propre État national à l’intérieur de l’Union européenne.

A right to a national space of communication? : on Stateless nations, their right to a space of communication of their own

Hem establert les bases metodològiques i teòriques per investigar la pregunta “Tenen les nacions sense estat el dret de controlar el seu propi espai de comunicació?”. La investigació ajusta el concepte d’espai de comunicació a la teoria política, cercant els seus límits en els drets individuals i, des de la perspectiva del liberalisme 2, aportant la justificació del seu control en quant que plataforma que incideix en la conservació i supervivència d’una cultura nacional. El primer article i fase de la tesi és l’adaptació i definició del concepte espai de comunicació. Fins ara, la recerca ha proposat diferents models d’espai de comunicació entenent si es tracta d’una visió emfatitzant la distribució i la producció de material marcat amb els símbols de la identitat nacional de la societat emissora, o bé si emfatitza la idea d’un espai de circulació de fluxos comunicatiu ajustat a un territori tradicionalment vinculat a una identitat nacional o nació sense estat. Igualment, es distingeix la dimensió d’emissió –sortir del territori al món- i la de recepció –fluxos informatius rebuts des del món al territori, concretament, al ciutadà; el paper d’intervenció de les institucions democràtiques és diferent en una dimensió o una altra i, per tant, també són diferents els drets afectats i les teories o principis que neguen o justifiquen el control de l’espai de comunicació. També s’ha indagat en les teories sobre els efectes cognitius dels mitjans de comunicació per relacionar-los amb la construcció nacional com a cohesió simbòlica i cultural. Si bé els mitjans no poden fer canviar de pensament immediatament, sí que poden conformar a llarg termini una percepció nacional general. Una comunitat és imaginada, donada la distància física dels seus components, i la comunicació social és, juntament amb l’educació, el principal factor de construcció nacional, avui en dia.

From Colonial Pride and Hispanic Prejudice

1898 is a crucial moment in Spain’s cultural history: Losing its last Colonies Cuba and the Philippines to the USA caused an unprecedented crisis in Spanish self-understanding that set a complex process of spiritual reconstruction rolling. To rebuild Spanish cultural identity as isolated state nation without losing touch with those parts of the Colonial past that were felt as belonging to its broader cultural environment required sophisticated reflection. Cultural issues had to take over the function to bridge between national borders. Music got is own part in this recycling of the Colonial into the Hispanic.

De cara a 'Forever in Galicia':traducir a Castelao no contexto recente da literatura galega traducida a inglés

This article presents the most recent historical context (1995-2005) of the translation of Galician literary texts into a British framework. It also provides an analysis of the translation and editing conditions that have had an influence on each publication. At the same time, it offers a comparative reflection on the literary relationships that take place between Galicia, a nation without a state whose literary system has not yet attained full autonomy, and the United Kingdom, which has a strong literary system, on the premise that it foments cultural self-confidence and an awareness of national identity, especially as regards to the Galician literary and cultural system. The act of translating and publishing translations of Galician literature in the Anglophone world connotes a determined interplay of commercial, philsosophical and artistic interests, as well as practical difficulties within a specific cultural and global context. This paper therefore seeks to interrogate the sometimes unpredictable laws of the market for Galician and foreign literature in translation in English-speaking countries, by examining the reception of translations and the perception of their source culture. Finally, the challenge of translating and publishing Castelao's Sempre en Galiza within the practical and often problematic parameters established by this analysis will be considered.

As traducións da literatura galega no Reino Unido:a situación actual e proxección de futuro

This article presents the most recent historical context (1995-2005) of the translation of Galician literary texts into a British framework. It also provides an analysis of the translation and editing conditions that have had an influence on each book. At the same time, it offers a reflection on the literary relationships that take place between Galicia, a nation without a state whose literary system has not yet attained full autonomy (Antón Figueroa, 2001, p. 130) and the United Kingdom, which has a strong literary system. The aim of this article is twofold: firstly, to stress the importance of the translation of Galician literature into other literary systems [such as British one, on the premise that it foments cultural self-confidence and an awareness of national identity, especially as regards to the Galician literary and cultural system. Secondly, to open new fields of research so that subsequent studies can delve into this topic in more depth.

Mortes maternas: revisão do fator de correção para os dados oficiais

O objetivo foi comparar as mortes maternas existentes no Sistema de Informações sobre Mortalidade (SIM/MS) com as do "Estudo da mortalidade de mulheres em idade fértil" e estimar novos fatores de correção. Analisaram-se 7.332 declarações de óbito feminino (DO) de dez a 49 anos, de residentes nas capitais brasileiras, no 1o semestre de 2002. Realizou-se pareamento dos conjuntos de DO (as originalmente preenchidas pelos médicos e aquelas obtidas com o resgate de dados) com as DO do SIM/MS. A subenumeração das mortes por causas maternas, no SIM/MS, foi de 21,4 por cento e, das mortes maternas, 16 por cento . Os novos fatores de ajuste para as mortes maternas nas regiões brasileiras foram: 0,93 (Norte), 1,17 (Nordeste), 1,28 (Sudeste), 1,10 (Sul) e 1,47 (Centro-oeste); para o pa's, foi igual a 1,19. Os Comitês de Morte Materna investigam os óbitos femininos em idade fértil, mas, ainda, restam imprecisões que podem inviabilizar condutas preventivas eficientes

Diversidade ética e exclusão social no processo da consolidação da unidade nacional : o caso dos vendedores e vendedoras informais do Mercado de Estrela Vermelha : cidade de Maputo

O presente trabalho, estuda as relações sociais e interculturais dos vendedores informais do mercado de Estrela Vermelha- cidade de Maputo. Analisa os fatores que afetam a unidade nacional, entendida como o sentido de pertença a uma identidade e a um destino comuns. Há duas teses que explicam a crise da unidade nacional. A primeira argumenta que o que coloca em causa a unidade nacional é a pretensão de se querer construir uma nação cívica, excluindo e até mesmo hostilizando as identidades étnicas vistas como fator de divisão e de conflitos. Propõe por isso, o reconhecimento e a inclusão dos diferentes grupos étnicos no poder (Magode, 1996; Cahen, 1996; Lundin, 1996). Na segunda, argumenta-se que as etnias perderam a sua relevância em virtude das transformações sociopolíticas e económicas havidas no país (Castiano, 2010), ou como outros defendem, que objetivamente elas não existem, se não apenas como reflexo dos conflitos pelo acesso aos recursos e poder (Serra, 1996). Sendo assim, o obstáculo da unidade nacional são as desigualdades económicas e não as diferenças étnicas. Mediante o trabalho de observação, que incluiu entrevistas, conversas, descrição e fotografias, como técnicas de recolha de dados, combinado com a pesquisa documental, este trabalho argumenta que, existe no mercado uma convivência multicultural, mas regista-se ainda défice nas relações interculturais. Os vendedores do Sul, consideram-se culturalmente superiores em relação aos seus colegas do norte do Save. Tal como outras pessoas da região sul, estes vendedores tratam os seus colegas pelo termo xingondo, que além da simples identificação, é usado para desqualificar os seus colegas do norte. Assim, o silêncio em relação ao etnocentrismo das pessoas do sul, a timidez que ainda se verifica em relação ao uso oficial das línguas moçambicanas, que são o meio de comunicação mais usado, bem como a incipiente provisão dos direitos da cidadania, constituem os principais obstáculos à unidade nacional. O estudo termina propondo a operacionalização do conceito da unidade nacional, tendo em conta, por um lado o respeito pelas diferenças culturais e a promoção do diálogo intercultural e por outro, o combate contra as diferenças abismais entre ricos e pobres.

L’émir Abdelkader et la franc-maçonnerie française : de l’engagement (1864) au renoncement (1877)

Figure majeure de l’histoire des relations coloniales franco-algériennes, l’émir Abdelkader est généralement présenté par ses compatriotes comme le modèle politique, militaire et religieux du résistant au colonialisme français du 19ième siècle. L’historiographie officielle algérienne en véhicule l’image du chef religieux qui a initié al-jihad de résistance conforme aux règles exotériques de la chari’ia. Il est décrit comme un guerrier loyal et magnanime, fin stratège, dont la défaite militaire a paradoxalement marqué la fondation de l’Algérie moderne en tant que Nation et État. La construction sociopolitique postcoloniale de ce mythe a permis de légitimer les différents régimes politiques, qui se sont succédé dans l’Algérie indépendante et qui ont toujours tenu, dans le cadre d’une lecture littérale de l’Islam. Ceci dans le but de taire la dimension spirituelle d’Abdelkader disciple, héritier et commentateur de l’œuvre du magister Magnus soufi, IbnʻArabî. Fascinés dès le début de l’occupation par cet adversaire hors du commun, les français, de plus en plus sécularisés, en ont érigé une image utilitaire, l’aliénant ainsi de ses compatriotes coreligionnaires et le découplant de sa foi islamique. Les mémoires concurrentes de l’ancienne puissance coloniale et de son ex-colonie, l’Algérie, ont généré plusieurs débats contemporains en ce qui a trait à l’écriture de l’histoire de la colonisation. Le personnage d’Abdelkader a été instrumentalisé par les uns et les autres. Deux évènements controversés de sa biographie sont devenus les objets d’une polémique souvent âpre et amère entre auteurs chercheurs algériens et français : l’adhésion de l’émir à la franc-maçonnerie française et sa séparation d’avec celle-ci. Nous allons présenter que la prémisse d’auteurs algériens, selon laquelle Abdelkader n’aurait pas pu adhérer au Grand Orient de France, pour cause d’incompatibilité doctrinale musulmane, est inconsistante. Nous essayerons de démontrer au contraire, que son initiation à la maçonnerie telle qu’elle s’était présentée à lui était en accord avec sa vision soufie et légaliste du dogme islamique. En nous basant sur le choix de la franc-maçonnerie française pour la laïcité au moment de la réception supposée de l’émir dans la fraternité, nous montrerons qu’il s’en éloigna pour des raisons de doctrine islamique. En effet, l’élimination de toute référence déiste des textes constitutifs du Grand Orient de France fut inacceptable pour le musulman qu’était Abdelkader, vaincu militairement mais raffermi spirituellement par sa proximité grandissante avec son maître spirituel IbnʻArabî. L’humanisme des francs-maçons français avait motivé une refondation basée sur les droits de l’homme issus de la révolution française. Tandis que celui de l’émir Abdelkader prenait sa source dans l’Unicité de l’Être, concept-cadre Akbarien de la compréhension de la relation de Dieu avec ses créatures. Nous allons montrer que les polémiques franco-algériennes sur les relations d’Abdelkader avec la franc-maçonnerie française, masquent un autre débat de fond qui dure depuis des siècles dans le monde musulman. Un débat opposant deux herméneutiques légalistes des textes islamiques, l’une exotérique s’incarnant dans l’œuvre du théologien musulman Ibn Taymiyya et l’autre ésotérique se trouvant au cœur des écrits du mystique IbnʻArabî.

Assessing range-wide habitat suitability for the Lesser Prairie-Chicken

Population declines of many wildlife species have been linked to habitat loss incurred through land-use change. Incorporation of conservation planning into development planning may mitigate these impacts. The threatened Lesser Prairie-Chicken (Tympanuchus pallidicinctus) is experiencing loss of native habitat and high levels of energy development across its multijurisdictional range. Our goal was to explore relationships of the species occurrence with landscape characteristics and anthropogenic effects influencing its distribution through evaluation of habitat suitability associated with one particular habitat usage, lekking. Lekking has been relatively well-surveyed, though not consistently, in all jurisdictions. All five states in which Lesser Prairie-Chickens occur cooperated in development of a Maxent habitat suitability model. We created two models, one with state as a factor and one without state. When state was included it was the most important predictor, followed by percent of land cover consisting of known or suspected used vegetation classes within a 5000 m area around a lek. Without state, land cover was the most important predictor of relative habitat suitability for leks. Among the anthropogenic predictors, landscape condition, a measure of human impact integrated across several factors, was most important, ranking third in importance without state. These results quantify the relative suitability of the landscape within the current occupied range of Lesser Prairie-Chickens. These models, combined with other landscape information, form the basis of a habitat assessment tool that can be used to guide siting of development projects and targeting of areas for conservation.

Estado, Estado-nação e revolução capitalista

This paper distinguishes the state (the law system and the organization that guarantees it) from the nation-state or country – the territorial political unit formed by a nation, a state and a territory. Second, it defines nation and civil society, understanding them that the nation and the civil society are the two forms of politically organized society that work as intermediary between society and the state. The formation of the nation-states and the industrial revolution are part of the capitalist revolution. Since that crucial historical transformation takes place in each giving society progress or development follows: the absolute state changes into the liberal one, and the liberal state into the democratic state, whereas the nation and civil society also get less unequal or more “democratized”. In this historical process the state is the basic instrument of collective action of the nation or of civil society.e

Estado, estado-nação e formas de intermediação social

This paper, first, situates the nation-state historically, as a product of the capitalist revolution. Second, it distinguishes the state (the law system and the organization that guarantees it) from the nation-state or country (the territorial political unit formed by a nation, a state and a territory). Third, it defines nation, civil society and class coalitions, understanding that they are forms of society politically organized, which role is to act as intermediary between society and the state. Fourth, it uses these concepts plus the ones of relative autonomy and of anteriority to understand the ever changing relation between the state and society, where in early moments the state or its elites assumed the lead, and later, as democratization takes place, the protagonist role changed gradually to the people. The paper emphasizes the class coalitions, and argues that behind the two basic forms or economic and political organization of capitalism – developmentalism and economic liberalism – there are the correspondent class coalitions