919 resultados para NATION


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This paper considers the relationship between the recent historiography (of the last quarter century) of “New Zealand architecture” and the historical notion of “New Zealand-ness” invoked in contemporary architecture. It argues that a more recent programmatic uptake of post-War discussions on national identity and regional specificity has fed the tendencies of practicing architects to defer to history in rhetorical defences of their work: the beach-side mansion as a contemporary expression of the 1950s bach; a formal modernism divorced from the social discourse adherent to the historical moment that it “restates”; and so on. The paper will consider instances in the historiography of New Zealand architecture where historians have compounded, consciously or accidentally, a problem that is systemic to the uses made by architects of historical knowledge (in the most general examples), identifying the difficulties of relying upon the tentative conclusions of an under-studied field in developing principles of contemporary architectural practice under the banners of New Zealand-ness, regionalism, or localism, or with reference to icons of New Zealand architectural history. At the heart of this paper is a reflection on historiographical responsibility in presenting knowledge of a national past to an audience that is eager to transform that knowledge into principles of contemporary production. What, the paper asks, is the historical basis for speaking of a New Zealand architecture? Can we speak of a national history of architecture distinct from a regional history, or from an international history of architecture?

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IN recent decades nationalism has sometimes been classed in the same category of immoral behaviours as racism and sexism. Reading from the historical and literary record, nationalism often appears to have been little other than racism and sexism. Race was the very basis of the national settlement in early twentieth-century Australia; how profoundly, I think, is something we still have to learn. How far are we from thinking in terms of First Nations as a way of acknowledging Indigenous Australia? Our easy familiarity with and moral superiority to' pre- I967 Australia and the White Australia Policy means that there are many degrees of Australian racism that remain hidden from commonplace historical knowledge·:' Australians still tend to think of South Africa as belonging to-another time and place altogether, another moral universe and historical trajectory. This was not a mistake that colonial Australians made. The parallels will become less and less resistible.

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The K5 Plan for the defence of the Cambodian-Thai border was the response of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and its Vietnamese mentors to the threat posed by the resistance forces, particularly the Khmer Rouge, to its efforts to rebuild the nation and consolidate its administration. The very real defence gains, however, were made at the cost of bitter popular resentment over the way those gains were made.

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BACKGROUND: The Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD) and Health of Nation Outcome Scales for Children and Adolescents (HoNOSCA) are both measures of outcome for adolescent mental health services. AIMS: To compare the ADAD with HoNOSCA; to examine their clinical usefulness. METHODS: Comparison of the ADAD and HoNOSCA outcome measures of 20 adolescents attending a psychiatric day care unit. RESULTS: ADAD change was positively correlated with HoNOSCA change. HoNOSCA assesses the clinic's day-care programme more positively than the ADAD. The ADAD detects a group for which the mean score remains unchanged whereas HoNOSCA does not. CONCLUSIONS: A good convergent validity emerges between the two assessment tools. The ADAD allows an evidence-based assessment and generally enables a better subject discrimination than HoNOSCA. HoNOSCA gives a less refined evaluation but is more economic in time and possibly more sensitive to change. Both assessment tools give useful information and enabled the Day-care Unit for Adolescents to rethink the process of care and of outcome, which benefited both the institution and the patients.

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Dans l'histoire européenne ont commencé à se former, à partir de la fin du XVIIIe siècle, des objets politiques inédits que l'on appelle maintenant des nations. Le mouvement a commencé en France et en Grande-Bretagne, pour se propager rapi- dement dans toute l'Europe, soutenu par les profonds bouleversements entraînés par la révolution industrielle et une timide démocratisation des sociétés. Au milieu de ce continent en pleine mutation se trouve un autre objet politique, au moins aussi étrange, vieille confédération d'États souverains sortie tout droit du Moyen-Âge et qu'on appelait encore il y a peu le «Corps helvétique». La Suisse, puisque c'est d'elle qu'il s'agit, est-elle affectée par ce vaste mouvement des nationalismes, et si oui comment ? Les nations européennes se construisent fondamentalement autour de quatre éléments : un État centralisé, un territoire, une histoire et un peuple. Dans leur pléni- tude, ces quatre éléments manquent à la Suisse. En fait d'État centralisé, on trouve plutôt un pouvoir central faible, débordé à la fois par des cantons ayant conservé de nombreuses prérogatives et par des associations privées redoutablement efficaces. Son territoire n'est que le résultat hasardeux de traités d'entraide successifs; son histoire est marquée par la désunion et les guerres; quant au peuple suisse, il faut avoir une imagination fertile pour en concevoir concrètement l'existence. C'est pourquoi il faut parler, à propos de la Suisse, d'une fêlure nationale. A défaut de peuple facilement identifiable, on construit des mythes politiques rassembleurs, parmi lesquels la neutralité armée, le consensus, le fédéralisme ou la démocratie. Mais cette mythologie tourne toujours un peu à vide, ce sera le propos de cet essai de le montrer.