980 resultados para Modern liberal world
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Basada en los conceptos de Alexis de Tocqueville, esta investigación busca explicar de qué manera la cultura del trabajo influyó en la igualdad de condiciones. Para esto fue necesario analizar cómo la sociedad neogranadina acogía nuevas teorías y prácticas del mundo moderno liberal en su estructura socio-económica y política, haciendo indispensable, en primer lugar, realizar un estudio detallado de la situación de la Nueva Granada en los aspectos mencionados, durante finales del siglo XVIII y gran parte del siglo XIX. En principio se puede deducir que la cultura del trabajo no tuvo influencia en la igualdad de condiciones, porque la concepción protestante de la salvación del alma no halló en los neogranadinos la aceptación que requería para hacer de este un pueblo trabajador y tampoco se pudo garantizar una situación de igualdad de condiciones desde un aspecto cultural, sino que estuvo presente por medio de leyes que no eran respetadas.
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El presente artículo se enfoca en las contradicciones del proyecto nacional ecuatoriano de principios del siglo XX en cuanto pretende subsanar identidades en conflicto dentro de las nuevas configuraciones sociales y espaciales. Para ello se examina la forma en la que Luis A. Martínez reconoce la ambivalencia de la modernidad al punto de confeccionar sus obras como alegorías de fallidas comunidades imaginadas. Tanto sus catecismos de agricultura como su novela A la costa (1905), además de contribuir a los debates intelectuales de la época sobre la participación del país en el moderno sistema-mundo capitalista, testimonian las contradicciones existentes dentro del liberalismo como ideología hegemónica. De ahí que los textos arriba mencionados sean considerados como bisagras que vislumbran lo nacional en lo liminar aunque todavía sin subvertir los desencuentros entre la clase dominante y la subalterna.
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ABSTRACT In this article I explore whether liberal retributive justice should be conceived of either individualistically or holistically. I critically examine the individualistic account of retributive justice and suggest that the question of retribution – i.e., whether and when punishment of an individual is compatible with just treatment of that individual – must be answered holistically. By resorting to the ideal of sensitive reasons, a model of legitimacy at the basis of our best normative models of democracy, the article argues that in modern liberal democracies, punishment of an offender A for f is compatible with just treatment of A only if punishment of an individual for f can be legitimate in A's and A's fellow citizens' eyes. Only once retributive justice is understood in this holistic fashion the imposition of punishment can be made compatible with just treatment of individuals.
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The NeO'liberal State and the Crisis ofPublic Service Broadcasting in the Anglo-American Democracies The purpose ofthis analysis ofthe present condition ofpublic service broadcasting in the Anglo- American democracies was to investigate whether such media can still be regarded as the primarypublic spherefor a dialogue between each nation 's civil society and the State. The motivationfor this thesis was based on a presumption that such fora for public discussion on the central issues of each society have become viewed as less relevant bypoliticians andpolicy-makers and thepublics they were intended to serve in the Anglo-American democracies over thepast two decades. It is speculated that this is the case because ofa beliefthat the post-war consensus between the respective States andpublics that led to the construction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the notion ofpublic service broadcasting has been displaced by an individualistic, neo-liberal, laissez-faire ideology. In other words, broadcasting as a consumer-oriented, commercial commodity has superseded concerns pertaining to the importance ofthe public interest. The methodology employed in this thesis is a comparative analysisfrom a criticalpolitical economy perspective. It was considered appropriate to focus on the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the\ United States because they comprise the four largest Anglo-American nations with democratic political systems andprimarily market economies. Justificationfor this particular sample is reinforced by thefact that case study countries also share a common socio-political and economic tradition. The evidence assembledfor this thesis consisted almost exclusively ofexisting literature on the subjects ofpublic service broadcasting, global economic andpolitical integration, and the ascendance ofthe 'free-market ' ethos in Western democracies since the late mid- to late-1970s. In essence, this thesis could be considered as a reinterpretation ofthe existing literature relevant to these issues. Several important common features werefound among the political, economic and broadcasting systems of the four case study nations. It is proposed that the prevalence of the neo-liberal world view throughout the political and policy environments of the four countries has undermined the stability and credibility of each nation 's national public service broadcasting organization, although with varying intensity and effect,. Deregulation ofeach nation 's broadcasting system and the supremacy ofthe notion of 'consumer sovereignty' have marginalized the view of broadcasting on any basis other than strictly economic criteria in thefour case study countries. This thesis concludes that,for a reconstruction ofa trulyparticipatory anddemocraticpublicsphere to be realized in the present as well as thefuture, a reassessment ofthe conventional concept ofthe 'public sphere ' is necessary. Therefore, it is recommended that thefocus ofpolicy-makers in each Anglo-American democracy be redirectedfrom that which conceived ofan all-encompassing, large, state-ownedand operated public broadcasting service toward a view which considers alternativeforms ofpublic communication, such as local community and ethnic broadcasting operations, that are likely to be more responsive to the needs of the increasingly diverse and heterogeneous populations that comprise the modem Anglo-American democracies. The traditional conception of public broadcasters must change in accordance with its contemporary environment if the fundamental principles of the public sphere and public service broadcasting are to be realized.
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Dans ce texte, nous analysons la mise en place d’un système de vélos partagés à Trois-Rivières initié par un organisme faisant de la participation citoyenne son principe fondamental d’action. Cette analyse montre comment l’atteinte des objectifs poursuivis par l’adhésion à ce principe participatif, outre le respect de l’expérience du citoyen dans le développement de son milieu de vie, peut poser problème. La similarité entre le système de vélos conçu avec la participation des citoyens et les systèmes offerts par les groupes industriels met en question la capacité du principe de la participation à produire des solutions alternatives. La difficulté relèverait de la volonté de faire des méthodes participatives un principe nécessaire à la réalisation des idéaux démocratiques des sociétés libérales modernes. Promulguer l’obéissance à des procédures d’action communes, pour elles-mêmes, nous éloigne d’une conception libérale de la démocratie qui s’attache d’abord à l’efficacité de l’action, donc à la qualité de ce qu’elle produit, indépendamment des moyens mis en œuvre.
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Esta monografía de grado reúne en un mismo contexto dos ramas del Derecho, como lo son el Derecho de la Competencia, y el Derecho de las Telecomunicaciones (referida al sector del servicio público de televisión),
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What is the most mysterious feelings in mankind? What is the most general way by which every mankind is subject to change. Well monotonous, and steady life where someone does the same kind of work at same pace in same time, without any change of events, creates the burdensome feeling in a person. Yet people are unaware of it. We don't know where are we going, yet we go at the same pace, since in practical sense we are getting some credit for something. But the thing how much do we keep up, and maintain the balance in nature, so that we can really feel the value and the quality of life, and know the exact happiness of fulfilling the work. But if its totally becomes materialistic, and emotional aspect goes away from human beings, where social talking never goes away from your duties. Then!!!! ... I mean there is no need of human beings. If we are so developed, right from past few centuries and our domination, had created a modern social world, then we can create all kinds of devices and software which can handle all the works for which the people don't have to stay overtime just to finish that. I mean in that way human life will move through some progress, and will have some development. But the environment where we are living nothing new or development is taking place as the work becomes a duty for human being but not to machine which should be given some task to be completed.So all those devices are not in the society, since human being is already taking charge if it.
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This dissertation identifies and challenges post-feminist narratives that remember the second wave or 1960s and 1970s liberal feminism as a radical form of activism. The narratives of three prominent post-feminist authors: Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce and Dr. Laura Schlessinger are used as examples of how identification works as a rhetorical device that motivates individual actors to join in a struggle against liberal and radical feminist ideologies. I argue that each author draws on classically liberal and politically conservative virtues to define a "true" feminism that is at odds with alternative feminist commitments. I demonstrate how these authors create a subject position of a "true feminist" that is reminiscent of the classically liberal suffragist. In Burkean terms, each author constitutes the suffragist as a friend and juxtaposes her with the enemy--modern liberal and radical feminists. I articulate the consequences of such dialectical portrayals of feminist activism and further suggest that these authors' visions of feminism reinforce patriarchal practices, urging women to assimilate into a classically liberal society at the cost of social justice. In opposition to their memories of feminism, I offer a radical democratic approach of remembering feminism that is less concerned with the definition of feminism or feminist than it is with holistically addressing oppression and what oppression means to subjugated populations.
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From Introduction. The Ukrainian crisis, which deepened in February with the invasion of the Crimean peninsula by Russia, has exposed a serious poverty of strategy and leadership from Europe and the US. Such a lack of strategic vision in responding to the Ukrainian crisis, considered by Nicholas Burns among others, as one of the greatest crises in Europe since 1991, diverges between the European Union and the US. It is undeniable that the western leadership is unable to get its act together. In the US, the perpetual fratricide between the republicans and democrats over anything is affecting the development and implementation of sound foreign policies, while in the EU, there is no clear European leadership emerging, neither from the 28 Member States nor the High Representative and Presidents of the Council and Commission. The EU is once again facing its perpetual policy of risk aversion. On the one hand, the US remains conflicted in identifying its identity in this post-liberal world order, while the EU difficulty faces the inevitable limitation of its soft power. With a West in crisis, no decent strategy and/or policy to unravel, or at least contain, the Ukrainian crisis can emerge in this axiomatic moment with the making of the new world order.
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The concept of a global civil society is gaining greater acceptance among International Relations (IR) scholars, yet few studies exist that look at the role of fraternal organizations and their influence in constructing this realm. Freemasonry, one of the oldest fraternal orders, exerts a powerful influence on its membership through its symbolism, architecture and ritual, based on the tenets of mutual respect and tolerance towards all human beings. Such principles helped in creating a body of practices and institutions as early as the eighteenth century which two hundred years later were identified and conceptualized as global civil society. ^ The allegations of anti-Masons and conspiracy theorists offer a continuous account of Masonry's influence on the political scene since its modern founding in 1717 Great Britain. Conspiracy theorists portray the coming of a New World Order, orchestrated and directed by a secret hierarchy of Masons/Illuminati. Even though the lens of conspiracy theories paints a distorted view of reality, it does focus attention to Freemasonry's activities as a major player in politics over the span of three centuries. Not only do such theories challenge the novelty of practices that make up a global civil society, but also the notion that it is an inclusive and growing sector that unites people across the globe. They also provide a valuable critique by pointing out the inconsistencies and discriminatory practices of Masonry as contrasted with the lofty ideals and aims for humanity. ^ The Masonic influence in the social world is perceived as one that reflects the liberal worldview where the nation-state and power structures are in pursuit of human progress, or profit. The symbolism of Masonry, however, carries a message that can be characterized as representing republican ideals. Masonic symbolism and ritual create spaces of meaning where the contradictions between the ideals and the structures of inequality and elitism can be resolved. Freemasonry as a symbolic system proclaiming their inherent republican values does have a global reach. However, the effectiveness of these values is bounded by the constraints that are inherent in a liberal world dominated by nation-states. ^
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This dissertation examines the philosophy of Masaaki Kōsaka (1900-1969) from the East Asian perspective of Confucianism, which I believe is the most appropriate moral paradigm for comprehending his political speculations. Although largely neglected in post-war scholarship, Kōsaka was a prominent member of the Kyoto School during the 1930s and 40s. This was a group of Japanese thinkers strongly associated with the philosophies of Kitarō Nishida and Hajime Tanabe. Kōsaka is now best known for his participation in the three Chūō Kōron symposia held in 1941 and 1942. These meetings have been routinely denounced by liberal historians due to the participants’ support for the Pacific War and the Co-Prosperity Sphere. However, many of these liberal portrayals have failed to take into account the full extent of the group’s resistance to the military junta of Hideki Tōjō. Adopting the methods and techniques of the empirical disciplines of academic history and Orientalism, I develop an interpretative framework that is more receptive to the political values that mattered to Kōsaka as a Confucian inspired intellectual. This has necessitated the rejection of moral history, which typically prioritises modern liberal values brought a priori to the historical record of wartime Japan, as well as recognition of the different ontological foundations that inform the unique political theories of the East Asian intellectual tradition. Reinforced by the prior research of Michel Dalissier and Graham Parkes, as well as my own reading of the Confucian canon, I adopt David Williams’s thesis of ‘Confucian Revolution’ as my principle schema of interpretation. This, I believe, is better able to reconcile Kōsaka’s support for the war with his strong condemnation of the imperialist practices of the Japanese military. Moreover, acknowledging the importance of Confucianism allows us to fully appreciate Kōsaka’s strong affinity for Kant’s practical metaphysics, Hegel’s political philosophy and Ranke’s historiography.
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Trabalho de Projecto apresentado para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtençao do grau de Mestre em Didáctica do Inglês,
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Sähköisen kaupankäynnin kasvun myötä, itsenäisten yritysten tietojärjestelmien integraation tarve on moninkertaistunut viime vuosien aikana. Yritykset ovat huomanneet, että tilaus-toimitusketjun automatisointiin tähtäävällä kokonaisvaltaisella integraatio-ratkaisulla on mahdollista päästä kattaviin kustannussäästöihin sekä tulojen kasvuun. Pääsääntöisesti yritykset kuitenkin etenevät hitaammin, integroimalla aluksi pienempiä liiketoiminnan tietojärjestelmien toimintoja. Positiivisten kokemusten perusteella yritykset ovat valmiitalaajentamaan sähköisen kaupankäynnin automatisointia myös muissa toiminnoissa. Tässä työssä keskitytään tarkastelemaan eri lähestymistapojayritystenvälisen integraation toteuttamiseen, sekä analysoimaan eri keinojen liiketoiminnallisia ja teknisiä vaikutuksia. Työ on tehty yhteistyössä UPM-KymmeneWood Oy:n kanssa, jonka tavoitteena oli saada perusteelliset tiedot yrityksenvälisestä integraatiosta ja syventää tietoja sekä integraatio-palveluita tarjoavien kolmansien osapuolten toimintatavoista että heidän tarjoamista palveluista ja niiden käyttökelpoisuudesta puutuoteteollisuudessa toimivassa yrityksessä. Käytännön osuudessa on tarkemmin esitelty integraatio-palveluita tarjoavien operaattoreiden kanssa käytyjen palaverien sekä heidän toimittamien materiaalien perusteella tehdyn tutkimustyön tuloksia, sisältäen yksityiskohtaiset kuvaukset yritystenvälisen integraation mahdollistavista palveluista.
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In the market where companies similar in size and resources are competing, it is challenging to have any advantage over others. In order to stay afloat company needs to have capability to perform with fewer resources and yet provide better service. Hence development of efficient processes which can cut costs and improve performance is crucial. As business expands, processes become complicated and large amount of data needs to be managed and available on request. Different tools are used in companies to store and manage data, which facilitates better production and transactions. In the modern business world the most utilized tool for that purpose is ERP - Enterprise Resource Planning system. The focus of this research is to study how competitive advantage can be achieved by implementing proprietary ERP system in the company; ERP system that is in-house created, tailor made to match and align business needs and processes. Market is full of ERP software, but choosing the right one is a big challenge. Identifying the key features that need improvement in processes and data management, choosing the right ERP, implementing it and the follow-up is a long and expensive journey companies undergo. Some companies prefer to invest in a ready-made package bought from vendor and adjust it according to own business needs, while others focus on creating own system with in-house IT capabilities. In this research a case company is used and author tries to identify and analyze why organization in question decided to pursue the development of proprietary ERP system, how it has been implemented and whether it has been successful. Main conclusion and recommendation of this research is for companies to know core capabilities and constraints before choosing and implementing ERP system. Knowledge of factors that affect system change outcome is important, to make the right decisions on strategic level and implement on operational level. Duration of the project in the case company has lasted longer than anticipated. It has been reported that in cases of buying ready product from vendor, projects are delayed and completed over budget as well. In general, in case company implementation of proprietary ERP has been successful both from business performance figures and usability of system by employees. In terms of future research, conducting a study to calculate statistically ROI of both approaches; of buying ready product and creating own ERP will be beneficial.
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