28 resultados para Mockery


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The 7 March EU-Turkey migration crisis summit took place three days after the Turkish authorities seized Feza media group, which includes Turkey’s largest circulation daily Zaman and its English language sister paper Today’s Zaman. The seizure was the latest development in the worst crackdown on fundamental rights and freedoms Turkey has witnessed in decades. Yet because Turkey is vital in dealing with the migration/refugee crisis, the EU’s response was meek to say the least. For the first time since the Cold War – when Turkey was key in shoring up Europe’s security – Ankara has found itself in a particular position of strength. Turkey has skillfully exploited the EU’s and particularly German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s urgent need to find a way out of the crisis.

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The 7 March EU-Turkey migration crisis summit took place three days after the Turkish authorities seized Feza media group, which includes Turkey’s largest circulation daily Zaman and its English language sister paper Today’s Zaman. The seizure was the latest development in the worst crackdown on fundamental rights and freedoms Turkey has witnessed in decades. Yet because Turkey is vital in dealing with the migration/refugee crisis, the EU’s response was meek to say the least. For the first time since the Cold War – when Turkey was key in shoring up Europe’s security – Ankara has found itself in a particular position of strength. Turkey has skillfully exploited the EU’s and particularly German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s urgent need to find a way out of the crisis.

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En este artículo tratamos, por medio de Suenan timbres de Luis Vidales, el idiotismo de la sociedad tradicionalista tecnificada de principios de siglo XX en Colombia. Estudio que realizamos desde el concepto de idiotismo de Vidales, en estrecha relación con el de cultura de viñeta de Rafael Gutiérrez Girardot, para plantear la burla del poeta a la sociedad capitalista, que cuestiona la presencia de la Iglesia católica y la política conservadora en todos los estadios de la vida nacional.

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In this paper I will discuss the form and nature of blason populaire in the Irish language using the major dialectal collections of the early 20th Century as source corpora. I will outline a system of categorisation by which these expressions may be grouped together and examine the local, national and international blason populaire found in the Irish language. I will show that the most salient feature of Irish blason populaire is the lack of proverbial slurs and stereotypes about other countries and nations. Instead, the Irish appear to direct their derogatory humour and mockery at their own people and land; local regions and districts; well-known Irish families, the Catholic Church and, of course, the common trades of the period.

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Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie politique de Paul Levi, militant marxiste qui a fait carrière en Allemagne durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Dès 1914, Levi incarne un courant radical à l’intérieur du Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD). Il dénonce, entre autres, aux côtés de Rosa Luxemburg l’appui du parti à l’effort militaire national. Levi s’inspire également de Lénine qu’il rencontre pour la première fois en Suisse en 1916-1917. Lorsqu’il prend les commandes du Parti communiste d’Allemagne (KPD) en 1919, Levi dirige celui-ci d’une main de fer, selon le concept du « centralisme démocratique ». Il fait également tout en son pouvoir pour faire éclater la révolution ouvrière en Allemagne afin d’installer une dictature du prolétariat qui exclurait toutes les classes non ouvrières du pouvoir. En ce sens, Levi imagine un État socialiste semblable à celui fondé par Lénine en Russie en 1917. Contrairement à l’historiographie traditionnelle, notre thèse montre conséquemment que Levi n’était guère un « socialiste démocrate ». Il était plutôt un militant marxiste qui, par son radicalisme, a contribué à diviser le mouvement ouvrier allemand ce qui, en revanche, a fragilisé la république de Weimar. Cette thèse fait également ressortir le caractère résolument rebelle de Paul Levi. Partout où il passe, Levi dénonce les politiques bourgeoises des partis non-ouvriers, mais aussi celles de la majorité des organisations dont il fait partie, c’est-à-dire les partis ouvriers de la république de Weimar et le Reichstag. Son tempérament impulsif fait de lui un homme politique isolé qui, d’ailleurs, se fait de nombreux ennemis. En 1921, à titre d’exemple, il se brouille avec d’importants bolcheviques, ce qui met fin à sa carrière au sein du KPD. Les communistes voient désormais en lui un ennemi de la classe ouvrière et mènent contre lui de nombreuses campagnes diffamatoires. Levi, de son côté, dénonce ouvertement la terreur stalinienne qui, selon lui, est en train de contaminer le mouvement communiste européen. Notre travail montre également que Levi, cette fois en tant qu’avocat juif, lutte corps et âme contre les nazis. En 1926, dans le cadre d’une commission d’enquête publique du Reichstag chargée de faire la lumière sur des meurtres politiques commis en Bavière, il tente par tous les moyens d’inculper certains criminels nazis. Levi est conséquemment la cible de la presse antisémite allemande. Il refuse toutefois de céder à l’intimidation et choisit plutôt de poursuivre en justice quelques-uns des plus importants membres du Parti nazi, dont Alfred Rosenberg et Hitler lui-même, en plus de forcer de nombreux autres nazis à comparaître devant la commission d’enquête du Reichstag. Bref, si ce travail se veut critique envers la pensée révolutionnaire de Levi, il souligne aussi l’intégrité politique de cet homme dont les convictions sont demeurées inébranlables face aux dérives criminelles des extrêmes idéologiques de son époque.

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Ce mémoire étudie le phénomène de wedge politics sous un angle communicationnel, en proposant d’identifier et décrire les principales pratiques rhétoriques associées au déploiement d’une stratégie de wedge politics par les nombreux acteurs du débat public sur le projet de loi C-391, intitulé Loi modifiant le Code criminel et la Loi sur les armes à feu (abrogation du registre des armes d’épaule). La posture rhétorique que nous adoptons se traduit par une démarche méthodologique et des analyses imbriquées en quatre étapes: 1) l’élaboration d’une mise en perspective historique relativement élargie du débat public entourant le projet de loi C-391, 2) la recension des principaux acteurs et des discours qu’ils ont produits à un moment fort de ce débat, entre mai 2009 et mai 2011, 3) une première analyse et description générale de la dynamique rhétorique entre les acteurs du débat pendant cette période, et enfin, 4) une analyse systématique des discours échangés entre le 1er août 2010 et le 22 septembre 2010 nous permettant d’identifier et de décrire les principales pratiques rhétoriques employées par les acteurs. Les dix pratiques que nous avons relevées sont: l’appel à l’action, le scapegoating, le ciblage, la personnalisation du débat, le blâme, la dérision, l’attribution d’intentions malveillantes, la menace de représailles de la part des électeurs, l’exploitation des clivages et le contraste. En conclusion, nous discutons en quoi ces pratiques rhétoriques peuvent contribuer à l’atteinte des objectifs d’une stratégie de wedge politics.

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Mémoire de recherche et création, incluant une partie essai et un texte de création.

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Si bien con la Edad Moderna el lenguaje dejó de ser un instrumento sagrado, desde fines del siglo XIX e inicios del XX se revela el carácter arbitrario del signo lingüístico, reafirmando el carácter secular de la palabra. La autora plantea que Juan Carlos Onetti reflexiona en su obra sobre el carácter y las funciones del lenguaje en el texto, desacralizándolo, alejándose de las pretensiones totalizadoras de la crítica. En los dos cuentos de Onetti («El posible Baldi» y «Luna llena») los personajes escriben. En el primero, Baldi remarca el carácter arbitrario de toda ficción (esta vez, de una ficción sobre sí mismo): destruye la tentación de convertirse en un héroe, al presentarse como un proxéneta y traficante, busca provocar el asco en una literata romántica, que ha sido seducida por la palabra, sin conseguirlo. El personaje del segundo cuento, Carmencita, siente que ha fracasado como escritora, y que su cuerpo envejecido la somete al riesgo del ridículo. A diferencia de Baldi, no se atreve a reír de esta posibilidad ni del asco, muere atrapada en una ficción que no deja de ser romántica. Se reflexiona sobre la finalidad del lenguaje en la «realidad» y en las ficciones que crean estos seres de ficción.

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La autora analiza tres textos latinoamericanos que muestran construcciones del imaginario andino, extendidas a ciertos estereotipos sobre la corporalidad andina: frágil, dolorida, para la cual la esperanza de liberación radica en un azar. En «Boletín y Elegía de las Mitas», César Dávila presenta una versión del cuerpo indio «exclusivamente centrada en la vejación de lo anatómico» (de su cabeza y genitales, de órganos tan profundos como el corazón y el esqueleto), con lo que el cuerpo desnudo y forzado se convierte en ajeno. En «El sueño del Pongo», de José María Arguedas, el cuerpo del indio oprimido es diminuto, y porta una «gestualidad comprimida que se pone en juego a partir de posturas humilladas». Pese al final aparentemente optimista de ambos textos, se trata de productos culturales que cumplen un rol en el ejercicio de control social. En «Barraquera», de José de la Cuadra, el cuerpo de esta mujer es fundado a partir de violaciones, muertes y migraciones forzadas: habituado a sufrir y callar, para este cuerpo el dolor se convierte en la única vía posible de acceso al placer. Se remarca que el tiempo cronológico de los tres relatos es el de la espera, el tiempo del destino. Para estos cuerpos-lugares siempre vulnerables y violentados, burlados o invisibilizados, lo fatal fundamentaría un cierre de lo histórico.

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This article explores the representations and tonal qualities of British “structured reality” programming. Focusing on The Only Way Is Essex and Made in Chelsea, it investigates their glocalizing of the model established by MTV’s Laguna Beach and The Hills. It argues that while they blur boundaries between docusoap, drama, and soap opera, the British programs also recognize and foreground issues of construction for their reality TV-literate youth audience. It suggests the programs play a key role in their respective channel identities and the ideologies of British youth television, connecting to larger issues of class, gender, and taste. This is articulated through their regional and classed femininities, with the article exploring how the programs draw on classed ideologies surrounding “natural” and “excessive” femininities and of the role of this in their engagement with construction and camp play. This play contributes to the tonal shift offered by the British programs, mixing the melodrama of the MTV programs with a knowing, at times comic edge that can tip into mockery. In doing so, the programs offer their audience a combination of performative self-awareness and emotional realism that situates them clearly within British youth television

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This work is about representations around the Mockery of Judas rite in the neighborhood of east zone at Natal city and the relationships between residents of neighborhood with the ritual object. The most important objective in the work is to present anthropological analysis about the mockery of Judas rite and the ritual process beyond local interpretations to rite. The concept presents in studies of Marcel Mauss, Henry Hubert and René Girard about the sacrifice are very important to this paper. We work with this hypothesis that the Mockery of Judas is sacrifice done to residents of Rocas neighborhood to many purpose, since symbolic punishment to traitor apostle till the sacrifice of victm of conflicts and tensions inside the neighborhood

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This research, part of Applied Linguistics field, aims to analyze the language of a school blog, developed with the participation of students, as a work based on the conception of multiliteracies, focusing on the construction of different meanings. The research is carried on from the building and maintenance of a school blog, the Ieceblog, with students of Ensino Fundamental II, since 2008, in a private school in Natal-RN. The investigation of the language produced on a school blog is justified due to the interactive conceptions of writing and reading on the virtual environment. Given the fact that new technologies are a reality in the schools opened to the practices of multiliteracies, it is assumed that text, image, video, audio, non-graphic signs and hypertext intensifies the produced interaction, in which the students become real authors. In this perspective, some voices belonging to the statements that are formed through the posts and comments chosen to the analyses and reflection on the blog space as locus of productions of senses inserted in the school and the world environment, as well as for the identification of the language resources used to intensify the senses that emerge from it. From the view of dialogism conceptualized by Bakhtin Circle, the qualitative interpretive-research deepens the experience of a school blog focusing on digital language in line with the vision of digital literacy. From the blog posts, a corpus that promote the exposure of different manifestations of language in the design of digital multiliteracies is elected. Thereby, the method used was the dialogical analysis of speech based on Bakhtin s studies and the Circle. The corpus was taken from the blog s posts in order to point up the different language manifestations in the following categories: (i) mood reinforced by the mockery, (ii) search for compliance with school sphere, (iii) conflicting social values and consistent complicity between sense and verbal imagery, and finally (iv) social practices that take place from and through the discursive genre. The study points to the tension between the active voices in several directions, revealing the distorted unit of posts which, under the analytical observation raises multiple meanings in a responsive manner. The analysis of the dialogue interaction in which intersperses the digital one becomes more apparent that the multiliteracies events that are mediated by language in addition to structure of the language and makes us rethink the students

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The theme of this work is the study of marginal territories of the Cidade do Príncipe, sketch in time than today is constituted as the city of Caicó/RN, with the time frame the years 1880 to 1900. Our goal is to investigate the construction of these territories from multiple speech subjects practitioners of the city. Thus, we propose to discover the mapping of the deviation in the city in question, as they were drawn, those who experienced and through which practices. Investigate the construction of these spaces from the speeches, and fill a historiographical gap, allows to find stories sharp, silenced or ignored, abortions and madness in prison, repressed passions and avenged. To meet these spaces the sources are diverse, such as the newspaper O Povo, the Codes of posture, the Reports of Presidents and Heads of Provincial Police and process-crime. Regarding the methodological aspects of research, we decided by discourse analysis, discourse here conceived not only as what is said about someone or something, but as a set of statements circulating at any given time in society, articulating speech, intentions, actions and thought. The city is then considered from their territories, imagined as a space configured in/by the relations power that the dispute, but also as a space for experiences multiple, different feelings, place and non-place, the discipline and mockery, of power and resistance.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Although globalization, through the communications revolution and international law, brings the promise of progressive social change, the concern of this paper is with the backlash against women’s increasing emancipation, a backlash that is evidenced in the United States through making a mockery of women’s bid for equality by turning the principles against some women whose lives are troubled while rewarding others. Meanwhile across the world the victimization of women, personal and cultural, is taking place in both democratic and totalitarian regimes. Two related forms of backlash are institutional and personal. That forces from the global market and the corporate media help fuel this backlash is a major contention of this paper.