1000 resultados para Mobilization strategies


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The purpose of this study is to examine organizational patterns of African American activism in response the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Given their political, economic, and social disenfranchisement, African Americans have historically developed protest and survival strategies to respond to the devaluation of their lives, health, and well-being. While Black protest strategies are typically regarded as oppositional and transformative, Black survival strategies have generally been conceptualized as accepting inequality. In the case of HIV/AIDS, African American religious and non-religious organizations were less likely to deploy protest strategies to ensure the survival and well-being of groups most at risk for HIV/AIDS—such as African American gay men and substance abusers. This study employs a multiple qualitative case study analysis of four African American organizations that were among the early mobilizers to respond to HIV/AIDS in Washington D.C. These organizations include two secular or community-based organizations and two Black churches or faith-based organizations. Given the association of HIV/AIDS with sexual sin and social deviance, I postulated that Black community-based organizations would be more responsive to the HIV/AIDS-related needs and interests of African Americans than their religious counterparts. More specifically, I expected that Black churches would be more conservative (i.e. maintain paternalistic heteronormative sexual standards) than the community-based organizations. Yet findings indicate that the Black churches in this study were more similar than different than the community-based organizations in their strategic responses to HIV/AIDS. Both the community-based organizations and Black churches drew upon three main strategies in ways that politicalize the struggle for Black survival—or what I regard as Black survival politics. First, Black survival strategies for HIV/AIDS include coalition building at the intersection of multiple systems of inequality, as well as on the levels of identity and community. Second, Black survival politics include altering aspects of religious norms and practices related to sex and sexuality. Third, Black survival politics relies on the resources of the government to provide HIV/AIDS related programs and initiatives that are, in large part, based on the gains made from collective action.

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El interés de esta monografía es analizar la manera en que la movilización emprendida por Mamá Maquín y las acciones ejercidas por la CIDH incidieron en el proceso de retorno de las refugiadas indígenas guatemaltecas entre 1990 y 1995. Frente a esto, la monografía muestra la forma en que la combinación de estrategias de movilización empleadas por Mamá Maquín así como la acción de actores como ACNUR, la Diócesis de San Cristóbal de las Casas y, en menor medida, la CIDH permitieron la participación de las refugiadas en los espacios de interlocución entre los refugiados y Guatemala. Lo anterior, mediante una metodología descriptivo-analítica que permite la reconstrucción de los aspectos relevantes del origen, organización y movilización de Mamá Maquín con sus actores aliados y las acciones de la CIDH; así como el análisis de este caso a la luz de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y la movilización legal.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Includes bibliography

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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O presente trabalho objetiva analisar o papel que a participação popular desempenha no processo de planejamento e gestão da política urbana em Belém, tendo como referência o Projeto de Macrodrenagem da Bacia do Una. Busca-se, também, reconhecer o processo de incorporação da participação popular no Projeto de Macrodrenagem, assim como sua dinâmica, composição, articulação e ações que direcionam e são direcionadas pelo Estado; analisar a importância e as repercussões dessa participação popular no Projeto, buscando entender as estratégias adotadas pelos setores populares e sua possível contribuição ou não para o desenvolvimento do mesmo; além de constatar a permanência ou não das organizações populares na fase de conclusão das obras físicas, identificando os avanços e as dificuldades em relação à sua inserção no processo de planejamento e gestão de política urbana, via Projeto Una. Esse Projeto foi concebido na década de 1980 com a finalidade de sanear as áreas de baixadas da cidade, que sempre foram tidas como um problema a ser solucionado pelo poder público A questão do saneamento básico tornou-se um dos mais graves e sérios problemas, pois os governos que se elegeram, pouco ou quase nada fizeram para resolver essa situação, sendo efetivadas apenas algumas medidas corretivas e paliativas, sem que as camadas populares tivessem seus problemas de enchentes ou alagamentos, falta de esgoto, pontes deterioradas, dentre outros, solucionados. Esse fato provocou uma ampla luta das organizações populares em prol da superação dessas condições de vida as quais estavam submetidas, exigindo, assim, medidas eficazes por parte do poder público, bem como a participação na gestão da cidade. A metodologia utilizada foi pesquisa bibliográfica, pesquisa documental, observação direta e pesquisa de campo, que se realizou no período de 2004 a 2005, junto a 100 organizações comunitárias dispostas em 09 bairros da cidade (área de abrangência do Projeto de Macrodrenagem), onde se aplicaram questionários para verificar o processo de inserção, importância, avanços e dificuldades da participação popular no Projeto. Foram realizadas ainda entrevistas com técnicos do Projeto Una e lideranças. Dentre os resultados da análise dos dados, pode-se dizer que a participação popular exerceu um papel importante na implementação do Projeto, conseguindo intervir nas ações do mesmo na medida em que se organizaram e pressionaram o governo estadual. Outro resultado relevante é que, nessa fase final do Projeto, as organizações populares criaram o Conselho Gestor, mostrando, assim, a importância da experiência acumulada com as lutas reivindicatórias e mudando suas estratégias mobilizatórias, através da capacitação dos setores populares, levando-os a pensar a dimensão da cidade a partir de sua totalidade, percebendo os seus elementos constitutivos, onde emergem as contradições sociais.

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The impact of initial sample distribution on separation and focusing of analytes in a pH 3–11 gradient formed by 101 biprotic carrier ampholytes under concomitant electroosmotic displacement was studied by dynamic high-resolution computer simulation. Data obtained with application of the analytes mixed with the carrier ampholytes (as is customarily done), as a short zone within the initial carrier ampholyte zone, sandwiched between zones of carrier ampholytes, or introduced before or after the initial carrier ampholyte zone were compared. With sampling as a short zone within or adjacent to the carrier ampholytes, separation and focusing of analytes is shown to proceed as a cationic, anionic, or mixed process and separation of the analytes is predicted to be much faster than the separation of the carrier components. Thus, after the initial separation, analytes continue to separate and eventually reach their focusing locations. This is different to the double-peak approach to equilibrium that takes place when analytes and carrier ampholytes are applied as a homogenous mixture. Simulation data reveal that sample application between two zones of carrier ampholytes results in the formation of a pH gradient disturbance as the concentration of the carrier ampholytes within the fluid element initially occupied by the sample will be lower compared to the other parts of the gradient. As a consequence thereof, the properties of this region are sample matrix dependent, the pH gradient is flatter, and the region is likely to represent a conductance gap (hot spot). Simulation data suggest that sample placed at the anodic side or at the anodic end of the initial carrier ampholyte zone are the favorable configurations for capillary isoelectric focusing with electroosmotic zone mobilization.

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This article analyses the importance of the communication strategies applied by three significant social movements: Telemadrid workers’ mobilization (Madrid’s public television), the «Marea Blanca» («White Tide»), which grouped up the healthcare professionals, and the «Marea Verde» («Green Tide»), which was done by teachers. These movements are a practical application of the «indignados» («outraged») movement and, following the 15-M steps, they improved these strategies in what refers to communication and mobilization. For this purpose, we carried out two investigations: twelve in-depth interviews with leading members of these social movements; and an online questionnaire passed to strategic planners who are the experts in communication strategies from the advertising agencies.

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This text aims at showing the history of indigenous peoples’ mobilization in Colombia, the effects that it has brought about on Colombian democracy and political system, and the state’s reactions to their claims and actions. It will show how they have moved from class-based claims to a politics where identity claims have been central in their agenda and part of their strategies to negotiate with the state. It will also show the existing constitutional and legal framework that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples, despite the context of persecution, murder, and forced displacement.

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In early lactation dairy cattle suffer metabolic alterations caused by negative energy balance, which predisposes to fatty liver and ketosis. The aim of this study was to evaluate the metabolic condition of high yielding dairy cows subjected to three treatments for preventing severe lipomobilization and ketosis in early lactation. Fifty four multiparous Holstein cows yielding >30 L/day were divided into four groups: control (CN= no treatment), glucose precursor (PG= propylene-glycol), hepatic protector (Mp= Mercepton®), and energy supplement with salts of linolenic and linoleic faty acids (Mg-E= Megalac-E®). Treatments were administrated randomly at moment of calving until 8 weeks postpartum. Blood samples were collected on days 1, 7, 14, 21, 28, 35, 42 and 49 postpartum. Body condition score (BCS) was evaluated at the same periods and milk yield was recorded at 2nd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th weeks of lactation. Concentrations of non-esterified fatty acids (NEFA), albumin, AST, ß-hydroxybutyrate (BHBA), cholesterol, glucose, total protein, urea and triglycerides were analyzed in blood samples. Cut-off points for subclinical ketosis were defined when BHBA >1.4 mmol/L and NEFA >0.7 mmol/L. General occurrence of subclinical ketosis was 24% during the period. An ascendant curve of cholesterol and glucose was observed from the 1st to the 8th week of lactation, while any tendency was observed with BHBA and NEFA, although differences among treatments were detected (p<0.05). BCS decreased from a mean of 3.85 at 1st week to 2.53 at 8th week of lactation (p=0.001). Milk yield was higher in the Mg-E group compared with the other treatment groups (p<0.05) Compared with the CN group, the treatments with Mp and PG did not show significant differences in blood biochemistry and milk yield. Cows receiving PG and Mg-E showed higher values of BHBA and NEFA (P<0.05), indicating accentuated lipomobilization. Supplementation with Mg-E also resulted in significant higher concentrations of cholesterol, BHBA, urea, AST and lower values of glycemia. This performance may be explained by the highest milk yield observed with this treatment. Treatments with PG and Mp did not improve milk yield, compared with control cows, but did not show metabolic evidence of ketosis, fat mobilization or fatty liver. These results suggest that treatment with Mg-E improves milk production but induces a higher negative energy balance leading to moderated lipomobilization and ketone bodies production, increasing the risk of fatty liver.

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Transplantation of mobilized peripheral blood stem cells (PBSC) for rescue of bone marrow function after high-dose chemo-/radiotherapy is widely used in hematologic malignancies and solid tumors. Mobilization of stem cells to the peripheral blood can be achieved by cytokine treatment of the patients. The main advantage of autologous PBSC transplantation over bone marrow transplantation is the faster recovery of neutrophil and platelet counts. The threshold number of PBSC required for adequate rescue of bone marrow is thought to be about 2 x 106 CD34+ cells/kg, if the stem cells are collected by leukapheresis and subsequently cryopreserved. We show that this critical number could be further reduced to as few as 0.2 x 106 cells/kg. In 30 patients with multiple myeloma and 25 patients with bad risk lymphoma 1 liter of granulocyte colony-stimulating factor (G-CSF)-mobilized unprocessed whole blood (stored at 4oC for 1-3 days) was used for transplantation. Compared to a historical control group, a significant reduction in the duration of neutropenia, thrombocytopenia and the length of hospital stay was documented. Furthermore, the effect of stem cell support was reflected by a lower need for platelet and red cell transfusions and a reduced antibiotic use. Considering the data as a whole, a cost saving of about 50% was achieved. To date, this easy to perform method of transplantation is only feasible following high-dose therapies that are completed within 72 h, since longer storage of unprocessed blood is accompanied by a substantial loss of progenitor cell function. Ongoing investigations include attempts to prolong storage times for whole blood

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The duration of the intraerythrocytic cycle of Plasmodium is a key factor in the pathogenicity of this parasite. The simultaneous attack of the host red blood cells by the parasites depends on the synchronicity of their development. Unraveling the signals at the basis of this synchronicity represents a challenging biological question and may be very important to develop alternative strategies for therapeutic approaches. Recently, we reported that the synchrony of Plasmodium is modulated by melatonin, a host hormone that is synthesized only during the dark phases. Here we report that N-acetyl-serotonin, a melatonin precursor, also releases Ca2+ from isolated P. chabaudi parasites at micro- and nanomolar concentrations and that the release is blocked by 250 mM luzindole, an antagonist of melatonin receptors, and 20 mM U73122, a phospholipase C inhibitor. On the basis of confocal microscopy, we also report the ability of 0.1 µM melatonin and 0.1 µM N-acetyl-serotonin to cross the red blood cell membrane and to mobilize intracellular calcium in parasites previously loaded with the fluorescent calcium indicator Fluo-3 AM. The present data represent a step forward into the understanding of the signal transduction process in the host-parasite relationship by supporting the idea that the host hormone melatonin and N-acetyl-serotonin generate IP3 and therefore mobilize intracellular Ca2+ in Plasmodium inside red blood cells.

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Les usines récupérées par les ouvriers en Argentine sont devenues un mouvement social emblématique symbolisant l'un des aspects de la révolte sociale entourant la crise économique de 2001-2002. Les usines récupérées sont des entreprises abandonnées par leurs propriétaires originaux ou déclarées faillite, laissant derrières elles des salaires et des dettes impayés. Par conséquence, les ouvriers ont commencé à récupérer leurs usines; reprenant la production sans leurs anciens patrons, sous, et au profit de la gestion collective des ouvriers. Le mouvement est remarquable pour sa rémunération égalitaire et sa gestion horizontale. Ce travail examine la continuité des usines récupérées et ceci à travers l'évolution sociale, politique et économique du paysage de l'Argentine. Il évalue également l'impact du mouvement en tant que défi aux modes économiques de production hégémoniques et orientés vers le marché. En supposant que l'avenir du mouvement dépend de deux ensembles de facteurs, le rapport analyse les facteurs internes à travers le prisme de la théorie de mobilisation des ressources, ainsi que les facteurs externes à travers la perspective de la théorie de la structure de l'opportunité politique. Le travail conclut que la situation actuelle se trouve dans une impasse dans laquelle le mouvement a gagné l'acceptation institutionnelle, mais a échoué d'effectuer le changement structurel favorisant ses pratiques et garantissant la sécurité à long terme. Il argumente que le mouvement doit consolider certains aspects combatifs. Il doit consolider sa nouvelle identité en tant que mouvement social et forger des alliances stratégiques et tactiques tout en préservant son autonomie.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)