999 resultados para Mobilization strategies


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The purpose of this study is to examine organizational patterns of African American activism in response the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Given their political, economic, and social disenfranchisement, African Americans have historically developed protest and survival strategies to respond to the devaluation of their lives, health, and well-being. While Black protest strategies are typically regarded as oppositional and transformative, Black survival strategies have generally been conceptualized as accepting inequality. In the case of HIV/AIDS, African American religious and non-religious organizations were less likely to deploy protest strategies to ensure the survival and well-being of groups most at risk for HIV/AIDS—such as African American gay men and substance abusers. This study employs a multiple qualitative case study analysis of four African American organizations that were among the early mobilizers to respond to HIV/AIDS in Washington D.C. These organizations include two secular or community-based organizations and two Black churches or faith-based organizations. Given the association of HIV/AIDS with sexual sin and social deviance, I postulated that Black community-based organizations would be more responsive to the HIV/AIDS-related needs and interests of African Americans than their religious counterparts. More specifically, I expected that Black churches would be more conservative (i.e. maintain paternalistic heteronormative sexual standards) than the community-based organizations. Yet findings indicate that the Black churches in this study were more similar than different than the community-based organizations in their strategic responses to HIV/AIDS. Both the community-based organizations and Black churches drew upon three main strategies in ways that politicalize the struggle for Black survival—or what I regard as Black survival politics. First, Black survival strategies for HIV/AIDS include coalition building at the intersection of multiple systems of inequality, as well as on the levels of identity and community. Second, Black survival politics include altering aspects of religious norms and practices related to sex and sexuality. Third, Black survival politics relies on the resources of the government to provide HIV/AIDS related programs and initiatives that are, in large part, based on the gains made from collective action.

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El interés de esta monografía es analizar la manera en que la movilización emprendida por Mamá Maquín y las acciones ejercidas por la CIDH incidieron en el proceso de retorno de las refugiadas indígenas guatemaltecas entre 1990 y 1995. Frente a esto, la monografía muestra la forma en que la combinación de estrategias de movilización empleadas por Mamá Maquín así como la acción de actores como ACNUR, la Diócesis de San Cristóbal de las Casas y, en menor medida, la CIDH permitieron la participación de las refugiadas en los espacios de interlocución entre los refugiados y Guatemala. Lo anterior, mediante una metodología descriptivo-analítica que permite la reconstrucción de los aspectos relevantes del origen, organización y movilización de Mamá Maquín con sus actores aliados y las acciones de la CIDH; así como el análisis de este caso a la luz de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y la movilización legal.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Includes bibliography

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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O presente trabalho objetiva analisar o papel que a participação popular desempenha no processo de planejamento e gestão da política urbana em Belém, tendo como referência o Projeto de Macrodrenagem da Bacia do Una. Busca-se, também, reconhecer o processo de incorporação da participação popular no Projeto de Macrodrenagem, assim como sua dinâmica, composição, articulação e ações que direcionam e são direcionadas pelo Estado; analisar a importância e as repercussões dessa participação popular no Projeto, buscando entender as estratégias adotadas pelos setores populares e sua possível contribuição ou não para o desenvolvimento do mesmo; além de constatar a permanência ou não das organizações populares na fase de conclusão das obras físicas, identificando os avanços e as dificuldades em relação à sua inserção no processo de planejamento e gestão de política urbana, via Projeto Una. Esse Projeto foi concebido na década de 1980 com a finalidade de sanear as áreas de baixadas da cidade, que sempre foram tidas como um problema a ser solucionado pelo poder público A questão do saneamento básico tornou-se um dos mais graves e sérios problemas, pois os governos que se elegeram, pouco ou quase nada fizeram para resolver essa situação, sendo efetivadas apenas algumas medidas corretivas e paliativas, sem que as camadas populares tivessem seus problemas de enchentes ou alagamentos, falta de esgoto, pontes deterioradas, dentre outros, solucionados. Esse fato provocou uma ampla luta das organizações populares em prol da superação dessas condições de vida as quais estavam submetidas, exigindo, assim, medidas eficazes por parte do poder público, bem como a participação na gestão da cidade. A metodologia utilizada foi pesquisa bibliográfica, pesquisa documental, observação direta e pesquisa de campo, que se realizou no período de 2004 a 2005, junto a 100 organizações comunitárias dispostas em 09 bairros da cidade (área de abrangência do Projeto de Macrodrenagem), onde se aplicaram questionários para verificar o processo de inserção, importância, avanços e dificuldades da participação popular no Projeto. Foram realizadas ainda entrevistas com técnicos do Projeto Una e lideranças. Dentre os resultados da análise dos dados, pode-se dizer que a participação popular exerceu um papel importante na implementação do Projeto, conseguindo intervir nas ações do mesmo na medida em que se organizaram e pressionaram o governo estadual. Outro resultado relevante é que, nessa fase final do Projeto, as organizações populares criaram o Conselho Gestor, mostrando, assim, a importância da experiência acumulada com as lutas reivindicatórias e mudando suas estratégias mobilizatórias, através da capacitação dos setores populares, levando-os a pensar a dimensão da cidade a partir de sua totalidade, percebendo os seus elementos constitutivos, onde emergem as contradições sociais.

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Previous studies suggest that marketing strategy is developed and used to mobilise and configure the actions of firm actors, creating a set of stabilising activities focused on the firm–customer dyad. Destabilising forces precipitated by the Internet and associated digital technologies involving contention and disruption by multiple actors are much less prevalent in the marketing literature. The central point we advance is that rather than marketing strategy being a controlled and stabilising force for firms in their relationships with customers, it can often lead to socially produced spaces where consumers and, importantly, other multiple actors form a social movement to actively attempt to destabilise it and contest its legitimacy. Using an innovative research approach, the findings of this study show how social movements proactively enrol and mobilise a wide range of relevant actors into a network of influence. Critical to this are rhetorical strategies, acting as important levers in attempts to destabilise and delegitimise a dominant firm's marketing strategy.

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The impact of initial sample distribution on separation and focusing of analytes in a pH 3–11 gradient formed by 101 biprotic carrier ampholytes under concomitant electroosmotic displacement was studied by dynamic high-resolution computer simulation. Data obtained with application of the analytes mixed with the carrier ampholytes (as is customarily done), as a short zone within the initial carrier ampholyte zone, sandwiched between zones of carrier ampholytes, or introduced before or after the initial carrier ampholyte zone were compared. With sampling as a short zone within or adjacent to the carrier ampholytes, separation and focusing of analytes is shown to proceed as a cationic, anionic, or mixed process and separation of the analytes is predicted to be much faster than the separation of the carrier components. Thus, after the initial separation, analytes continue to separate and eventually reach their focusing locations. This is different to the double-peak approach to equilibrium that takes place when analytes and carrier ampholytes are applied as a homogenous mixture. Simulation data reveal that sample application between two zones of carrier ampholytes results in the formation of a pH gradient disturbance as the concentration of the carrier ampholytes within the fluid element initially occupied by the sample will be lower compared to the other parts of the gradient. As a consequence thereof, the properties of this region are sample matrix dependent, the pH gradient is flatter, and the region is likely to represent a conductance gap (hot spot). Simulation data suggest that sample placed at the anodic side or at the anodic end of the initial carrier ampholyte zone are the favorable configurations for capillary isoelectric focusing with electroosmotic zone mobilization.

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This article analyses the importance of the communication strategies applied by three significant social movements: Telemadrid workers’ mobilization (Madrid’s public television), the «Marea Blanca» («White Tide»), which grouped up the healthcare professionals, and the «Marea Verde» («Green Tide»), which was done by teachers. These movements are a practical application of the «indignados» («outraged») movement and, following the 15-M steps, they improved these strategies in what refers to communication and mobilization. For this purpose, we carried out two investigations: twelve in-depth interviews with leading members of these social movements; and an online questionnaire passed to strategic planners who are the experts in communication strategies from the advertising agencies.

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Arsenic (As) is an environmental and food chain contaminant. Excessive accumulation of As, particularly inorganic arsenic (As(i)), in rice (Oryza sativa) poses a potential health risk to populations with high rice consumption. Rice is efficient at As accumulation owing to flooded paddy cultivation that leads to arsenite mobilization, and the inadvertent yet efficient uptake of arsenite through the silicon transport pathway. Iron, phosphorus, sulfur, and silicon interact strongly with As during its route from soil to plants. Plants take up arsenate through the phosphate transporters, and arsenite and undissociated methylated As species through the nodulin 26-like intrinsic (NIP) aquaporin channels. Arsenate is readily reduced to arsenite in planta, which is detoxified by complexation with thiol-rich peptides such as phytochelatins and/or vacuolar sequestration. A range of mitigation methods, from agronomic measures and plant breeding to genetic modification, may be employed to reduce As uptake by food crops.

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Les usines récupérées par les ouvriers en Argentine sont devenues un mouvement social emblématique symbolisant l'un des aspects de la révolte sociale entourant la crise économique de 2001-2002. Les usines récupérées sont des entreprises abandonnées par leurs propriétaires originaux ou déclarées faillite, laissant derrières elles des salaires et des dettes impayés. Par conséquence, les ouvriers ont commencé à récupérer leurs usines; reprenant la production sans leurs anciens patrons, sous, et au profit de la gestion collective des ouvriers. Le mouvement est remarquable pour sa rémunération égalitaire et sa gestion horizontale. Ce travail examine la continuité des usines récupérées et ceci à travers l'évolution sociale, politique et économique du paysage de l'Argentine. Il évalue également l'impact du mouvement en tant que défi aux modes économiques de production hégémoniques et orientés vers le marché. En supposant que l'avenir du mouvement dépend de deux ensembles de facteurs, le rapport analyse les facteurs internes à travers le prisme de la théorie de mobilisation des ressources, ainsi que les facteurs externes à travers la perspective de la théorie de la structure de l'opportunité politique. Le travail conclut que la situation actuelle se trouve dans une impasse dans laquelle le mouvement a gagné l'acceptation institutionnelle, mais a échoué d'effectuer le changement structurel favorisant ses pratiques et garantissant la sécurité à long terme. Il argumente que le mouvement doit consolider certains aspects combatifs. Il doit consolider sa nouvelle identité en tant que mouvement social et forger des alliances stratégiques et tactiques tout en préservant son autonomie.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Fat mobilization to meet energy requirements during early lactation is inevitable because of insufficient feed intake, but differs greatly among high-yielding dairy cows. Therefore, we studied milk production, feed intake, and body condition as well as metabolic and endocrine changes in high-yielding dairy cows to identify variable strategies in metabolic and endocrine adaptation to overcome postpartum metabolic load attributable to milk production. Cows used in this study varied in fat mobilization around calving, as classified by mean total liver fat concentrations (LFC) postpartum. German Holstein cows (n=27) were studied from dry off until d 63 postpartum in their third lactation. All cows were fed the same total mixed rations ad libitum during the dry period and lactation. Plasma concentrations of metabolites and hormones were measured in blood samples taken at d 56, 28, 15, and 5 before expected calving and at d 1 and once weekly up to d 63 postpartum. Liver biopsies were taken on d 56 and 15 before calving, and on d 1, 14, 28, and 49 postpartum to measure LFC and glycogen concentrations. Cows were grouped accordingly to mean total LFC on d 1, 14, and 28 in high, medium, and low fat-mobilizing cows. Mean LFC (±SEM) differed among groups and were 351±14, 250±10, and 159±9 mg/g of dry matter for high, medium, and low fat-mobilizing cows, respectively, whereas hepatic glycogen concentrations postpartum were the highest in low fat-mobilizing cows. Cows in the low group showed the highest dry matter intake and the least negative energy balance postpartum, but energy-corrected milk yield was similar among groups. The decrease in body weight postpartum was greatest in high fat-mobilizing cows, but the decrease in backfat thickness was greatest in medium fat-mobilizing cows. Plasma concentrations of nonesterified fatty acids and β-hydroxybutyrate were highest around calving in high fat-mobilizing cows. Plasma triglycerides were highest in the medium group and plasma cholesterol concentrations were lowest in the high group at calving. During early lactation, the decrease in plasma glucose concentrations was greatest in the high group, and plasma insulin concentrations postpartum were highest in the low group. The revised quantitative insulin sensitivity check index values decreased during the transition period and postpartum, and were highest in the medium group. Plasma cortisol concentrations during the transition period and postpartum period and plasma leptin concentrations were highest in the medium group. In conclusion, cows adapted differently to the metabolic load and used variable strategies for homeorhetic regulation of milk production. Differences in fat mobilization were part of these strategies and contributed to the individual adaptation of energy metabolism to milk production.

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This paper focuses on the different forms of action adopted by extreme right organizations (both political parties and non-party groups) in Italy and Spain during their recent mobilization and links them to the environmental conditions and internal organizational factors which might affect them. With particular attention paid to the actors’ perceptions of reality, the macro-level factors (such as the favourable or unfavourable political opportunities of the context, the availability of allies in power, the degree of repression by authorities, etc.) as well as the meso-level factors (such as the internal characteristics of extreme right groups and their dynamics) will be explored in order to understand the action strategies of extreme right organizations and their recourse to violence. This paper, drawing on a combination of qualitative and quantitative research techniques, will be based on 20 semi-structured interviews with extreme right representatives of the main right wing organizations in Italy and Spain as well as a protest event analysis of newspapers dating from 2005 to 2009.