981 resultados para Middle power-Principal power


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The article attempts to explain the main paradox faced by Canada at formulating its foreign policy on international security. Explained in economic and political terms, this paradox consists in the contradiction between the Canadian ability to achieve its strategic goals, serving to its own national interest and its dependence on the United States. The first section outlines three representative examples to evaluate this paradox: the Canada’s position in North American security regime, the US-Canada economic security relations, and the universe of possibilities for action of Canada as a middle power. The second section suggests that liberal agenda, especially concerning to ethical issues, has been established by this country to minimize this paradox. By pursing this agenda, Canada is able to reaffirm its national identity and therefore its independence on the United States. The third section evaluates both the explained paradox and the reaffirmation of Canadian identity during the Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) and Stephen Harper’s (2006) governments.

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Australia and the US: the search for security through alliance
Australia and China: from perceived threat to economic embrace
Nightmare scenarios? Prospects for US-China conflict
Strategies for a pressured middle power

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In the last years, the European countries have paid increasing attention to renewable sources and greenhouse emissions. The Council of the European Union and the European Parliament have established ambitious targets for the next years. In this scenario, biomass plays a prominent role since its life cycle produces a zero net carbon dioxide emission. Additionally, biomass can ensure plant operation continuity thanks to its availability and storage ability. Several conventional systems running on biomass are available at the moment. Most of them are performant either in the large-scale or in the small power range. The absence of an efficient system on the small-middle scale inspired this thesis project. The object is an innovative plant based on a wet indirectly fired gas turbine (WIFGT) integrated with an organic Rankine cycle (ORC) unit for combined heat and power production. The WIFGT is a performant system in the small-middle power range; the ORC cycle is capable of giving value to low-temperature heat sources. Their integration is investigated in this thesis with the aim of carrying out a preliminary design of the components. The targeted plant output is around 200 kW in order not to need a wide cultivation area and to avoid biomass shipping. Existing in-house simulation tools are used: They are adapted to this purpose. Firstly the WIFGT + ORC model is built; Zero-dimensional models of heat exchangers, compressor, turbines, furnace, dryer and pump are used. Different fluids are selected but toluene and benzene turn out to be the most suitable. In the indirectly fired gas turbine a pressure ratio around 4 leads to the highest efficiency. From the thermodynamic analysis the system shows an electric efficiency of 38%, outdoing other conventional plants in the same power range. The combined plant is designed to recover thermal energy: Water is used as coolant in the condenser. It is heated from 60°C up to 90°C, ensuring the possibility of space heating. Mono-dimensional models are used to design the heat exchange equipment. Different types of heat exchangers are chosen depending on the working temperature. A finned-plate heat exchanger is selected for the WIFGT heat transfer equipment due to the high temperature, oxidizing and corrosive environment. A once-through boiler with finned tubes is chosen to vaporize the organic fluid in the ORC. A plate heat exchanger is chosen for the condenser and recuperator. A quasi-monodimensional model for single-stage axial turbine is implemented to design both the WIFGT and the ORC turbine. The system simulation after the components design shows an electric efficiency around 34% with a decrease by 10% compared to the zero-dimensional analysis. The work exhibits the system potentiality compared to the existing plants from both technical and economic point of view.

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La intervención humanitaria ha sido, y sigue siendo, uno de los temas más importantes y debatido en la comunidad internacional. En la post Guerra Fría la preocupación con respecto a la intervención por razones humanitarias, sobre todo después del genocidio de Ruanda y los ataques contra de los civiles en Srebrenica y Kosovo, ha derivado en la configuración de la Doctrina de la R2P. Teniendo en cuenta que Canadá ha sido el líder en la promoción de esta doctrina, después del llamado del entonces Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas, Kofi Annan, con el fin de llegar a consensos internacionales para detener las violaciones masivas de los derechos humanos y el derecho internacional humanitario . El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la incidencia que ha tenido la identidad internacional del Canadá en su interés de promover la Doctrina de la Responsabilidad de Proteger a través de su política exterior y de seguridad en el período 2001-2008. Esta investigación se estudiará a la luz de la teoría constructivista propuesta por Alexander Wendt. Se sostiene que que la identidad colectiva de Canadá como promotor de los DDHH, potencia media y buen ciudadano del mundo condujo a este país, durante el gobierno de Jean Chrétien, a interesarse en la promoción de la Doctrina del R2P; sin embargo, debido a un cambio progresivo en su identidad internacional, durante los gobiernos de Paul Martin y Stephen Harper, Canadá no sólo promovió, sino que implementó esta doctrina mediante la imposición de los DDHH.

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ABSTRACT Title of Document: PRINCIPAL EFFECTIVENESS: MIDDLE SCHOOL LEADERS’ PERCEPTIONS OF PRINCIPAL PRACTICES TO IMPROVE MIDDLE SCHOOL READING ACHIEVEMENT Kathleen R. Brady, Doctor of Education, 2016 Directed By: Dr. John Norris, Department of Education The purpose of this exploratory and descriptive study was to examine school leaders’ perceptions of leadership practices that contribute to principal effectiveness in improving reading achievement in middle schools in a large public school district. The data was gathered through the use of a Web-based survey that was emailed to 97 school based leaders including 20 principals, 40 assistant principals, 17 reading department chairpersons, and 20 professional development lead teachers in middle schools with grade 6-8 and 7-8 configurations. Data were collected and analyzed in order to make inferences about principal practices at middle school. The findings of this study indicated few differences between middle school principals’, assistant principals’, reading department chairpersons’, and professional development lead teachers’ perceptions of principal leadership practices that are most important to and have the greatest impact on student reading achievement success. Furthermore, the findings indicated that participants’ three top ranked resources needed to increase the effectiveness of principals in order to improve reading achievement at middle schools include implementing a collaborative planning protocol to support literacy instruction, adding a reading coach to the middle school staff, and providing professional development activities focused on literacy instruction across the content areas. The results were used to make recommendations that may contribute to middle school principal effectiveness.

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La décision d’intervenir militairement ou non dans un conflit est certainement l’une des plus importantes qu’un État puisse prendre. Ces décisions sont coûteuses et très prégnantes tant au plan financier, politique que social. La recherche exposée vise à analyser les processus décisionnels canadiens en matière d’intervention militaire lors de la guerre du Golfe, la guerre en Afghanistan ainsi que la guerre en Irak. Le Canada est un cas très intéressant à étudier, car malgré son statut de puissance moyenne, il a pris part à sept conflits armés depuis 1867. Cette recherche tentera donc de déterminer ce qui motive le Canada à investir des ressources financières et humaines dans certains conflits, alors qu’il choisit de ne pas s’impliquer dans d’autres. Certaines théories des relations internationales affirment que la politique de défense des États est guidée par le désir de maximiser leur puissance sur la scène internationale. D’autres théories mettent plutôt l’accent sur les valeurs des États, ou bien sur leur intégration dans des institutions internationales. Ces différentes hypothèses soulèvent l’importance des facteurs internes et externes, mais ne permettent pas de savoir lesquels priment. Ainsi, grâce à un modèle de prise de décision réaliste néoclassique, synthétisant ces deux types de facteurs, il est possible de déterminer lesquels des éléments internes (contraintes de politique interne, perception des dirigeants) ou externes (position relative du Canada dans le système international) prédominent lors de la décision d’entrer ou non en guerre.

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Ce mémoire questionne l'influence internationale du Canada lors du Golden Age en fournissant une étude de cas de sa politique étrangère focalisée sur ses relations avec la France. Les institutions multilatérales constituaient la pierre angulaire de la politique extérieure canadienne; elles devaient lui conférer des contrepoids politiques et économiques pour s'autonomiser des États-Unis. Pour la France, ces institutions étaient souvent perçues comme une contrainte et elle cherchait à les affaiblir ou les réformer. Parallèlement, elle tentait de préserver son empire colonial et exigeait un appui occidental unanime. Elle fut l'allié occidental qui attaquait le plus systématiquement le projet canadien d'une politique étrangère reposant sur l'équilibre entre un engagement à l'OTAN et une politique ouvertement anticoloniale devant courtiser les pays non alignés du Commonwealth. Cette étude s'intéresse aux stratégies d'action d'une «puissance moyenne» qui tentait de désamorcer les crises interalliées et de réconcilier les dimensions contradictoires de sa propre politique extérieure.

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El Renacimiento Africano de Thabo Mbeki es un discurso que liga los aspectos políticos y económicos, a través del cual Sudáfrica logra maximizar sus opciones de política exterior. Y así reinsertarse de forma efectiva en el escenario internacional como una potencia media emergente superando el pasado de aislamiento durante la época del apartheid.

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Tras el fin de la Guerra Fría, la República de Turquía se vio ante la necesidad de establecer el papel que debía jugar en el cambiante Sistema Internacional. Una mayor presencia activa en Medio Oriente así como en sus regiones de interés, mediador entre partes en conflicto como también frente a Occidente y la construcción de un liderazgo regional, han ayudado progresivamente a construir una identidad turca como potencia media. De tal forma, ésta monografía pretende analizar el rol de Turquía como potencia media en la política mundial de Post Guerra Fría.

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El interés del presente estudio de caso es analizar la articulación de las dinámicas de poder y estrategias de negociación detrás de un proceso tan complejo como el de la creación del Tratado sobre el Comercio de Armas.El estudio examina la evolución de las tensiones principales entre los Estados participantes frente al Tratado y resalta las lógicas de poder al interior de las negociaciónes, así como los factores externos que influyeron para solucionar o agravar dichas tensiones. Con el apoyo de diferentes conceptos teóricos de negociación, se observa en específico el rol de las coaliciones como una importante estrategia utilizada por Estados pequeños para contrarrestar de alguna forma la asimetría de poder en un escenario donde los grandes exportadores e importadores de armas en la negociación tienen mayor peso.

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El interés de esta monografía es analizar el crecimiento económico de Corea del Sur y sus posibilidades de alterar el equilibrio en la región de Asia-Pacífico. A partir de los conceptos de poder duro y equilibrio de poder propuestos por Joseph Nye y Ernst Haas, se examinan los principales hitos del proceso de desarrollo nacional y se determina en qué sentido el incremento del poder duro nacional le permite a este país posicionarse como una potencia regional en ascenso. Así mismo, se evalúan los procesos de liderazgo regional de China y Japón que impiden a Corea del Sur alterar sustancialmente el equilibrio de poder en esta región del mundo.

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Strategic discussions about North Korea’s proliferation comprise a number of dimensions. The core assumption underlying this article is that the ideational aspects of North Korea’s decision making are important and give rise to a range of strategic considerations. This is not to underplay the strategic, materialist elements in North Korea’s provocative and at times belligerent behaviour. Rather, it is to argue that Australia is well placed to concentrate on the social dimensions of strategic discussions. As a less important middle power, a regional player, yet geographically distant from the threat, Australia is in a position to provide a point of differentiation from other, more entrenched players such as the United States or the Republic of Korea (ROK). A good starting point for developing this sort of engagement is to enhance non-state, track two cooperation between the two countries, which has been stalled since the early 2000s. In this article I will first canvass the ongoing debate taking place in Australian academic and policy circles regarding Australia’s place in the world. Of particular concern, is the question how Australia should balance its most important strategic relationship – that with the United States – with geographic and economic realities. I then sketch some of the limitations of current thinking, concentrating particularly on discourse that portrays North Korea as a rogue state and finish with a discussion of how non-state activity can act as a helpful precursor to more constructive relationships between states, and the types of creative engagement strategies currently taking place in the United States, despite the volatile political environment.

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The thesis work concerns X-ray spectrometry for both medical and space applications and is divided into two sections. The first section addresses an X-ray spectrometric system designed to study radiological beams and is devoted to the optimization of diagnostic procedures in medicine. A parametric semi-empirical model capable of efficiently reconstructing diagnostic X-ray spectra in 'middle power' computers was developed and tested. In addition, different silicon diode detectors were tested as real-time detectors in order to provide a real-time evaluation of the spectrum during diagnostic procedures. This project contributes to the field by presenting an improved simulation of a realistic X-ray beam emerging from a common X-ray tube with a complete and detailed spectrum that lends itself to further studies of added filtration, thus providing an optimized beam for different diagnostic applications in medicine. The second section describes the preliminary tests that have been carried out on the first version of an Application Specific Integrated Circuit (ASIC), integrated with large area position-sensitive Silicon Drift Detector (SDD) to be used on board future space missions. This technology has been developed for the ESA project: LOFT (Large Observatory for X-ray Timing), a new medium-class space mission that the European Space Agency has been assessing since February of 2011. The LOFT project was proposed as part of the Cosmic Vision Program (2015-2025).

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For a middle power with a relatively short history of framing a self determined foreign policy, Australia has actively sought to engage with both its immediate region and the wider world. Elite agreement on this external orientation, however, has by no means entailed consensus on what this orientation might involve in terms of policy. Consequently, two, often conflicting, traditions and their associated myths have informed Australian foreign policy-making. The most enduring tradition shaping foreign policy views Australia as a somewhat isolated bastion of Western civilisation. In this mode Australia's myth is pragmatic, but uncertain and sees Asia as both an opportunity and a potential threat which requires the support and counsel of culturally similar external powers engaged in the region to ensure stability. Against this, an alternative and historically later tradition crafted a foreign policy that advanced Australian independence through engagement with a seemingly monolithic and increasingly prosperous Asia. This paper explores the evolution and limitations of these foreign policy traditions and the myths that sustain them. It further considers what features of these traditions continue to have resonance in a region that has become more fluid and heterogeneous than it was during the Cold War and which requires a foreign policy flexibility that can address this complex and strategically uncertain environment.