1000 resultados para Madrid, Province de
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La habitación rupestre en la Península Ibérica conforma un amplio conjunto de manifestaciones cuyos orígenes son difíciles de dilucidar. Existen conjuntos primitivos, posiblemente horadados durante la Antigüedad Clásica y Tardía, y otros que probablemente se originaron y excavaron en la Alta Edad Media, en los que se mezclan grupos de origen religioso y otros de probable uso defensivo. El conjunto peninsular es sin duda el más variado de Europa Occidental, pues recibió influencias árabes y usos de la cristiandad antigua, importados de Oriente Próximo, que por tanto relacionan estas manifestaciones con otras del arco mediterráneo. La supervivencia del uso de las cuevas a lo largo de la Baja Edad Media -una vez afianzada la Reconquista- es una incógnita, pero los usos rupestres volvieron a generalizarse en ciertos sectores de la Península durante la Edad Moderna, toda vez que el hábitat cuevero manifestó una eclosión relacionada con la peripecia de los moriscos, primero desterrados de sus habitaciones en el Sur y Este peninsular y luego expulsados en los albores del siglo XVII. Los que quedaron, nominalmente conversos, debieron habitar de nuevo cuevas en sus lugares de origen. Esos núcleos son los más abundantes, particularmente en la provincia de Granada y aledañas. Este substrato fue seguramente el punto de apoyo para la proliferación de las cuevas de habitación a partir del siglo XIX, en el cual un creciente proletariado agrícola y urbano necesitó de alojamientos baratos y no hizo sino imitar usos preexistentes, que se pueden rastrear en muchos de los núcleos rupestres que sobrevivieron mayoritariamente hasta bien entrado el siglo XX, y que se abandonaron gradualmente a partir de los años 60 de esa centuria. Para entonces, existían barrios de cuevas extensos en muchas provincias, destacando, aparte de las andaluzas, ciertas zonas de la Cuenca del Ebro (aragonesa, navarra y riojana), del arco periurbano de Valencia, del Sur de Madrid, de la Mancha toledana, o de las provincias de Albacete, Guadalajara, Murcia e incluso de Palencia. Los núcleos antiguos se excavaron -en razón de su origen dedicado a defensa y refugio- en lugares poco accesibles, que mayoritariamente se dan en relieves anfractuosos, en las orlas marginales detríticas y carbonatadas de las cuencas terciarias y en terrenos más antiguos de la geológicamente denominada Cuenca Vasco Cantábrica, en las cuales florecieron centros de eremitismo del primitivo condado de Castilla. También son lugares inaccesibles los riscos asomados a cantiles fluviales, cuya regularización morfológica natural ha sido causa de la ruina de múltiples hipogeos que se labraron con las mismas intenciones de refugio, defensa o retiro espiritual. Los núcleos modernos se han excavado ya en terrenos más propicios (los que componen las cuencas terciarias o "España arcillosa", mayoritariamente), y por ello observamos cómo abundan las litologías sedimentarias, que son aquellas en las que se horadaron casi todas las "colmenas" de habitación moderna en la Península. En unos casos y otros, existen rasgos comunes en lo relativo a la litología y comportamiento de los materiales excavados, y también en lo relativo a su evolución, meteorización y conservación. Se han estudiado por ello estas pautas comunes -como un posible avance para el establecimiento futuro de estudios de geoconservación del patrimonio rupestre habitado-, que se traducen en la determinación de los procesos de meteorización más característicos en los antros de la Península Ibérica -sean modernos o antiguos- y en la determinación de las relaciones más habituales entre geomorfología y tipología de las cuevas de habitación. También se exponen algunas conclusiones relativas a la resistencia de los tipos pétreos en relación a la antigüedad de los emplazamientos. Esta relación se explica bien si tenemos en cuenta que las cuevas antiguas trataban de ser lugares apartados en los que dominan rocas más resistentes -como se ha explicado- y que en las modernas se ha buscado la habitación permanente, en los materiales más blandos ocupan las depresiones terciarias del Centro, Este y Sur de la Península, colonizados no ya como refugios sino de modo seguro, y ya en arrabales "extramuros" de las ciudades. Geomorfológicamente, esta razón histórica tiene consecuencias sobre la posición de las cuevas, sobre su organización, y sobre su conservación. La extensión del dominio estudiado obliga prácticamente a bosquejar algunas de estas conclusiones geológicas, pero permite a su vez proporcionar una visión global acerca del patrimonio troglodítico desde una perspectiva geológica, y en ello radica la principal novedad de la investigación. Cave dwelling in the Iberian Peninsula comprises a great deal of examples whose origins are sometimes difficult to elucidate. There are primitive groups of caves, probably belonging to Classical and Late Antiquity, and other settlements that appear to have been created and excavated in the Early Middle Ages. Some of them are due to religious reasons and some others may probably have served for defensive uses. The Peninsular group is very likely the most diverse in Western Europe, for it was not only influenced by Arabs, but it also assimilated uses from the Antique Christendom, imported from the Middle East. In this sense, Iberian cave dwellings connect with those of the Mediterranean area. There is not total certainty about the survival of caves serving for dwelling throughout the Late Middle Ages, once the Reconquista was a fact. However, underground excavations for human habitation were once again dispread in certain zones of the Peninsula during the Early Modern period. This growth of underground habitats appears in connexion with Morisco’s vicissitudes; first of all, their removal from their settlements in South and Eastern Peninsula, and finally their expulsion from Spanish territory at the very beginning of XVII th century. Those of them who rested in Spain –and that were nominally “converts”- seem to have returned to cave dwelling in their places of origin, particularly in the province of Granada and its neighbouring zones. This substrate may have been the toehold for a new spreading of cave dwellings since XIX th century, when the increasing rural and urban proletariat returned to the pre-existent uses of caves in order to solve the necessity of affordable housing. This fact can still be detected in many of the rock settlements that have survived during a great part of the XX th century and which were gradually abandoned from the 60´s onwards. There were important cave dwelling districts in many Spanish territories by that time, and not only in Andalusia. We also find them in certain areas of the Ebro basin (those of Aragon, Navarra and La Rioja), in the peri-urban arc of Valencia, in the South of Madrid province and also in the provinces of Toledo (the so called “Mancha toledana”), Albacete, Guadalajara, Murcia or even Palencia as well. Due to their defensive and refuge uses, primitive underground habitats were dug in hardly accessible places. The majority of them are located in mountainous and rough areas, when not in the marginal borders of Tertiary basins, where coarse detritic and carbonate formations outcrop. Cave dwellings can also be found in more ancient rock masses, such as those of the Basque Cantabrian Mesozoic Basin, which is the area where hermit centres of the primitive County of Castile first flourished. Cliffs surrounding fluvial valleys are as well inaccessible places, but here we find that geological evolution has caused the destruction of many rock sanctuaries and cliff dwellings that were originally dug with the same purposes of defence, refuge and spiritual retreat. Later modern cave settlements were dug in quite more favourable terrains, mainly in the soils that compose the Tertiary basins, generally known as “España arcillosa” or “Clayey Spain”. Therefore, we find abundant sedimentary fine and medium grained lithologies, which are the ones that have hosted the majority of Modern Era warren cave dwellings in the Iberian Peninsula. Actually, both types of cave dwelling share some standards regarding the lithology of the excavated materials, and they share as well certain patterns that affect to their evolution, weathering and preservation. These common patterns have been studied here in order to determine the most characteristic weathering processes that affect the majority of the Iberian caves, both Antique and Modern. And also with a view to establish the most habitual relationships between geomorphology and typology of cave dwellings. The study may as well provide a first basis for future studies on geo-preservation of cave dwellings heritage. We also reach some conclusions about the strength of different rocks concerning the antiquity of the sites. As we have already pointed out, this relation comes from the fact that ancient caves were placed in remote or isolated locations, where harder rocks outcrop, while more modern ones result from people´s search of permanent dwelling. In this sense, the softer rocks of the Tertiary Basins of Middle, East and South Peninsula provided a secure colonization to this second and modern group. And moreover, considering geomorphological features, this historical reason has had an effect not only on the position and location of the caves, but also on their organisation/structure/distribution and preservation. The huge extension of our domain of interest almost forces to sketch out some of these geological conclusions. But at the same time it gives a global panorama of Spanish troglodyte heritage, seen from a geological perspective. And here is the main novelty of this research.
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Purpose: In this paper we study all settlements shown on the map of the Province of Madrid, sheet number 1 of AGE (Atlas Geográfico de España of Tomas Lopez 1804) and their correspondence with the current ones. This map is divided in to zones: Madrid and Almonacid de Zorita. Method: The steps followed in the methodology are as follow: 1. Geo-reference of maps with latitude and longitude framework. Move the historical longitude origin to the origin longitude of modern cartography. 2 Digitize of all population settlements or cities (97 on Madrid and 42 on Almonacid de Zorita), 3 Identify historic settlements or cities corresponding with current ones. 4. If the maps have the same orientation and scale, replace the coordinate transformation of historical settlements with a new one, by a translation in latitude and longitude equal to the calculated mean value of all ancient map points corresponding to the new. 5. Calculation of absolute accuracy of the two maps. 6 draw in the GIS, the settlements accuracy. Result: It was found that all AGE settlements have good correspondence with current, ie only 27 settlements lost in Madrid and 2 in Almonacid. The average accuracy is 2.3 and 5.7 km to Madrid and Almonacid de Zorita respectively. Discussion & Conclusion: The final accuracy map obtained shows that there is less error in the middle of the map. This study highlights the great work done by Tomas Lopez in performing this mapping without fieldwork. This demonstrates the great value that has been the work of Tomas Lopez in the history of cartography.
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The purpose of this study was the estimation of current and potential water erosion rates in Castellon Province (Spain) using RUSLE3D (Revised Universal Soil Loss Equation-3D) model with Geographical Information System (GIS) support. RUSLE3D uses a new methodology for topographic factor estimation (LS factor) based on the impact of flow convergence allowing better assessment of sediment distribution detached by water erosion. In RUSLE3D equation, the effect that vegetation cover has on soil erosion rate is reflected by the C factor. Potential erosion indicates soil erosion rate without considering C factor in RUSLE3D equation. The results showed that 57% of estimated current erosion does not exceed 10 t/ha.year (low erosion). In the case of potential erosion rates, 5% of the area of Castellon Province does not exceed 10 t/ha.year but 55% exceed 200 t/ha.year. Based on these results, the current vegetation cover of Castellon Province is adequate but needs to be conserved to avoid an increase in the current soil erosion rates as shown by potential erosion rates.
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La ciudad de Madrid y su área metropolitana han sido y son ahora también, uno de los más importantes polos de actividad científico-tecnológica de España. Madrid concentra en una región uniprovincial una gran parte de las instituciones públicas de investigación y desarrollo del país. La mayor parte se concentran en la ciudad de Madrid y el resto en el área metropolitana inmediata en un reducido espacio territorial. Madrid ha sido un lugar de primer nivel para localización y producción científico-tecnológica nacional: desde los inicios de la Edad de la Ilustración en la época de Carlos III, posteriormente en el siglo XIX, en el periodo del “Cajalismo” de principios del XX, con la JAE (Junta de Ampliación de Estudios) hasta 1939, con el CSIC “Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas” desde 1939 hasta ahora y en la actualidad con los organismos ministeriales de Ciencia e Tecnología y con “MADRID NETWORK”, la agencia regional de desarrollo de parques científico-tecnológicos. Ha habido una secuencia temporal y espacial en la ubicación de las sedes de instituciones científico-técnicas en la ciudad a través del tiempo. En esta tesis doctoral se ha analizado la creación de este sistema y sus características básicas. Se ha evaluado si se ha formado un conjunto de áreas significativas en la ciudad que permitan hablar de un proyecto, o un grupo de proyectos, que han formado el sistema científico-técnico de Madrid. Al final se ha analizado cómo es en la actualidad este sistema, por medio de un estudio de la nueva red de parques científicos tecnológicos y si este último proyecto del sistema científico tecnológico de Madrid está concluido o si por el contrario está pendiente de terminar y desarrollar en estos momentos a principios del siglo XXI. Se ha estudiado los sectores y actividades a los que se dedican las empresas y organismos públicos presentes en los parques. ABSTRACT: The city of Madrid and its metropolitan area have been, and now are too, one of the most important scientific and technical activity poles of Spain. Madrid concentrates in a single-province region a great part of the public Research and Development institutions of the country. The majority are concentrated in the city of Madrid and the rest in the immediate metropolitan area in a limited territorial space. Madrid has been a first level place for location and national scientific and technical production: since the beginnings of the Age of Enlightenment in the Carlos III epoch, during the XIX century, in the “Cajalismo” period at first of the XX century, With JAE “Junta de Ampliación de Estudios” until 1939, with CSIC “Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas” since 1939 up to now and nowadays with the Ministerial agencies of Science and Technology and with “MADRID NETWORK” the regional agency for the development of scientific and technical parks. There has been a temporal and spatial sequence in location of the scientific and technical headquarters and institutions in the city over time. In this doctoral thesis it has been analyzed the building this system and its basic characteristics. It has been evaluated if it has formed a set of significant areas in the city that lead us to talk about one project, or a group of projects, that have formed the scientific and technical system of Madrid. At the end is has been analyzed how is this system actually, by means of a study of the new network of scientific and technologic parks and if this last project of the Madrid´s scientific and technologic system is finished or, on the other hand, it is waiting to be finished, and be developed, in this moment, at the beginning of the XXI century. It has studied the sectors and activities to which are dedicated the companies and public organism that stay in the parks.
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Cuando se inició el trabajo para obtener el título de doctora, el proyecto era acerca de la financiación público privada de los clubes deportivos madrileños. El punto uno de ese primer índice, versaba sobre el origen del club deportivo en la Comunidad de Madrid (en este sentido, es preciso tener en cuenta que el territorio sufrió modificaciones, lo que antes eran pueblos hoy son distritos y lo que antes era provincia hoy es Comunidad Autónoma de Madrid, nuestro ámbito territorial de estudio). Al leer la doctrina autorizada que coincidía en su totalidad en que los primeros clubes deportivos fueron de origen inglés (el Recreativo de Huelva en el año1889 era considerado el primer club de España) y recordar dudas e inquietudes al respecto que surgieron durante la licenciatura, la investigación se tornó incómoda, por no decir temeraria. ¿Por qué había que limitarse a recoger las ideas de una doctrina, sin duda hoy y entonces prestigiosa, cuando se pensaba que aquella teoría del origen británico no podía ser, aunque fuera dentro de un marco teórico? No parecía tener sentido que no hubiera habido asociacionismo en España antes de la llegada de las compañías inglesas, pero sobre todo en Madrid, siempre bulliciosa en cuanto a participación ciudadana, por varios motivos: existían juegos y deportes populares autóctonos antes de que llegara el fútbol. ¿No se asociaban los madrileños para poder competir con otros?, ¿Se equivocó Goya al pintar estampas de juegos populares?, ¿Por qué existía entonces una Ley de Asociaciones de 1887, evidentemente anterior al Recreativo de Huelva (1889)? Las leyes se elaboran en respuesta a una necesidad social o a una costumbre anterior, o a las dos cosas. ¿Nadie pensó en la costumbre, siendo fuente del Derecho junto con la Ley y los principios generales?, ¿Nadie, estando tan cerca?, ¿Nadie, figurando en el artículo 1 del Código Civil? De esta forma, la justificación y objetivos cambiaron, la investigación se volvió otra, se tenía necesidad de probar la lógica o nada. Sólo hacían falta las pruebas documentales que aportaran luz y fueran tangibles para la argumentación jurídica. Así, entre las reglas del juego de la norma jurídica, la jurisprudencia y la doctrina, se desenvuelve el marco teórico de este trabajo. Es necesario para ello conocer cómo funciona la legislación que afecta a los clubes deportivos en la actualidad para entender las similitudes con los clubes pioneros. Es preciso comprender que una Ley nunca se encuentra aislada de otras, que todas están relacionadas, que los cruces son inevitablemente ilimitados y los resultados inmensos. Se ha realizado un análisis de una realidad compleja que trasciende de lo jurídico y lo deportivo. Respecto al material y método, no se encontraban referencias de estudios comparados, desde el punto de vista jurídico, de los Estatutos de los primeros clubes deportivos madrileños, ni nombrarlos hasta que a principios del año 2013 digitalizamos en la Biblioteca Nacional el Reglamento del Instituto de Gimnástica, Equitación y Esgrima (Villalobos, 1842); la prueba documental que se buscaba para apoyar la teoría ya era tangible. Luego se encontrarían otros para añadir a la muestra y también documentación probatoria complementaria. Tampoco había trabajos sobre la documentación emanada de la Administración Pública, por lo que se han estudiado Expedientes administrativos así como su comparativa con la legislación coetánea y la actual, lo que ha permitido concretar más la forma y tipología de las primeras formas jurídicas deportivas. Para la búsqueda de documentación se ha recurrido a bibliotecas, archivos e incluso depósitos que tenían legajos sin clasificar, habían sufrido las inundaciones y carcoma que azotaron a los sótanos de Madrid e incluso a alguno el fuego le miró de reojo. La documentación encontrada ha permitido convivir con los personajes que habitaron los clubes pioneros en los primeros domicilios sociales; historias reales con banda sonora propia. Y es que el nacimiento del asociacionismo deportivo madrileño no se podría haber gestado en mejor momento; durante el Romanticismo, ni en mejor lugar, en las encrucijadas de las callejuelas estrechas cercanas a las grandes arterias de la Capital; un paseo por las calles Libertad, Barbieri, Minas, Hortaleza y Montera. Los resultados de la investigación confirman la teoría de que el primer club deportivo madrileño nada tuvo que ver con los clubes que posteriormente vinieron en los equipajes de las compañías inglesas. Ni en tiempo, son anteriores; ni en lugar, Madrid; ni en forma, la comparativa con un club británico de la época denota diferencias o mejor, deficiencias, pero más que nada en el fondo. Los clubes madrileños tenían una naturaleza que reflejaba el sentir de los primeros socios y el espíritu de la Capital: beneficencia, espectáculo, participación ciudadana y trabajo en equipo. También se demuestra, tanto en los resultados como en la discusión, las particularidades de los primeros clubes madrileños en cuanto a su relación con la imprenta, la docencia, la prensa, las instalaciones deportivas siempre compartidas con la cultura como la terminología y las equipaciones, pero sobre todo la especial relación con el inherente derecho de reunión. Difícil pensar en un principio que la prueba de la costumbre se encontrara en la cartelería teatral, y que un programa de una competición deportiva escondiera unos Estatutos durante siglos. ABSTRACT When work for a doctorate degree began, the project was about public-private financing of sports clubs Madrid. At point one of the first index, concerned the origin of the sports club in Madrid ( Keep in mind that the territory was modified, which were towns before today are districts and what was once the province is now Community Autonomous of Madrid, our territorial area of study). When reading the authoritative doctrine which coincided entirely in the first sports clubs were of English origin (Huelva Recreation Club, 1889) and remember about questions and concerns raised during the undergraduate research became awkward, if not reckless. Why it had to be limited to collecting the ideas of a doctrine certainly prestigious now and then, when it was thought that this theory could not be British origin, albeit within a framework? It did not seem to make sense that there had been associations in Spain before the arrival of British companies, but especially in Madrid, always busy in terms of citizen participation, for several reasons; and indigenous games were popular sports before the football do the locals are not associated to compete with other?, Goya was wrong to paint pictures of popular games?, Why then was no Associations Act, 1887, clearly previous Huelva Recreation Club (1889)? The laws are developed in response to a social need or a past practice, or both. No one thought of being a source of law practice with the law and the general principles? No, being so close? No one appearing in Article 1 of the Civil? Thus the rationale and objectives of the research turned back, it was necessary to try logic or anything. Only documentary evidence was needed that provide light and were tangible to the legal arguments. Thus, among the rules of the legal rule, jurisprudence and doctrine, the theoretical framework of this work develops, we need to know how legislation affects sports clubs at present to understand the similarities with clubs works pioneers, we must understand that a law is never isolated from others, they are all related, intersections are inevitably unlimited and the immense results. It has made an analysis of a complex reality that transcends the legal and sports. Regarding the material and method, no references to studies were compared, from the legal point of view, of the Statute of the first Madrid sports clubs, or name them until early 2013 digitized at the National Library of the Institute of Regulation Gymnastics, Riding and Fencing (Villalobos, 1842); the documentary evidence that was sought to support the theory was already tangible. Then they find others to add to the sample and further supporting documentation. There was also no work on the documentation issued by the Public Administration, which have been studied administrative records and their comparison with the contemporary legislation and the current, allowing more concrete form and type of the first sports legal forms. Search for documentation we have turned to libraries, archives and even deposits that were not rated bundles, had suffered flooding and decay in the basement of Madrid and even fire some looked askance. The found documents have enabled us to live with the characters that inhabited the early clubs in the first addresses; real stories with its own soundtrack. And the birth of the Madrid sports associations could not have been gestated at a better time ; during the Romantic period , or in a better place ; at the crossroads of the nearby narrow streets of the great arteries of the Capital; a walk along the Libertad, Barbieri, Minas, Hortaleza and Montera. The research results confirm the theory that the first Madrid sports club had nothing to do with the clubs that later came in the luggage of British companies, nor in time; They predate, or rather; Madrid, or in the form; the comparison with a British club denotes the time differences or rather shortcomings, but more than anything in the background; the Madrid club had a nature that reflect the sentiments of the first members and the spirit of the Capital; charity, show, citizen participation and teamwork. It is also shown in the results and discussion the particularities of the first locals clubs in their relationship with the press, teaching, media, sports facilities always shared with the culture and terminology and the kits, but all the special relationship with the inherent right of assembly; hard to think at first that the test of habit were in the theater posters, and a program of a sports competition hide Statutes for centuries.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Phlebotomines (Diptera, Psychodidae) in the Speleological Province of the Ribeira Valley: 3. Area of hostels for tourists who visit the Parque Estadual do Alto Ribeira (PETAR), state of São Paulo, Brazil. The study characterizes some ecological aspects of the phlebotomine fauna in an endemic area of cutaneous leishmaniasis (CL) situated in the Serra district, Iporanga municipality where the hostels for tourists visiting the PETAR are located. Captures were undertaken on a smallholding and a small farm situated near the hostels, monthly between January/2001 and December/2003 with automatic light traps (ALT) in pigsty, hen-house and veranda of a domicile at the two sites, and in peridomicile of the small farm also with black/white Shannon traps. With the ALT a total of 87,224 phlebotomines representing 19 species and also two hybrids of Nyssomyia intermedia (Lutz & Neiva) and Nyssomyia neivai (Pinto) and two anomalous specimens were captured. The standardized index species abundance was for Ny. intermedia = 1.0 and Ny. neivai = 0.935. The highest frequencies of the smallholding occurred in the pigsty, the Williams' mean/capture for Ny. intermedia being 63.7 specimens and for Ny. neivai 29.2, and on the small farm, in the hen-house, Ny. intermedia 402.6 and Ny. neivai 116.2. A total of 863 phlebotomines (Ny. intermedia: 75.4%; Ny. neivai: 24.3%) were captured with black/white Shannon traps; females of both species being predominant in the white trap. The high frequencies of Ny. intermedia and Ny. neivai, both implicated in CL transmission, indicate the areas presenting risk of the disease.
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The Parque Estadual do Alto Ribeira (PETAR) with about 250 caves, in an Atlantic forest reserve, is an important ecotourist attraction in the Ribeira Valley, an endemic area of American cutaneous leishmaniasis (ACL). With the purpose of investigating Leishmania vector species bothersome to humans the sandfly fauna was identified and some of its ecological aspects in the Santana nucleus, captures were undertaken monthly with automatic light traps in 11 ecotopes, including caves, forests, a camping site and domiciliary environments, and on black and white Shannon traps, from January/2001 to December/2002. A total of 2,449 sandflies representing 21 species were captured. The highest values of abundance obtained in the captures with automatic light traps were for Psathyromyia pascalei and Psychodopygus ayrozai. A total of 107 specimens representing 13 species were captured on black (12 species) and white (6 species) Shannon traps set simultaneously. Psychodopygus geniculatus females predominated on the black (43.75%), and Psathyromyia lanei and Ps. ayrozai equally (32.4%) on the white. Nyssomyia intermedia and Nyssomyia neivai, both implicated in the transmission of ACL in the Brazilian Southeastern region, were also captured. Ny. intermedia predominated in the open camping area. Low frequencies of phlebotomines were observed in the caves, where Evandromyia edwardsi predominated Lutzomyia longipalpis, the main vector of the American visceral leishmaniasis, was aslo present. This is its most southernly reported occurrence in the Atlantic forest.
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The identification of the sandfly fauna and investigation of some ecological aspects of its populations in areas frequented by tourists of the PEI, an Atlantic forest reserve with many caves, were the objective of this study. Captures were undertaken monthly from January 2001 to December 2002, with automatic light traps installed in 13 ecotopes, including caves, forests, domiciliary and peridomiciliary environments, and by aspiration in armadillo burrows. Additionally, although not at regular intervals, Shannon traps were installed in forests and anthropic environments, aspirations were made on cave walls, among roots and fallen leaves, and some insects were captured while biting researchers. A total of 891 sandflies belonging to 21 species were captured. Six hundred specimens representing 19 species were captured with light traps, 215 in anthropic (2.24 insects/trap) and 385 in extra-domiciliary (1.46 insects/trap) environments. Brumptomyia troglodytes was the most abundant species (the Standardised Index of Species Abundance = 0.705). Pintomyia monticola predominated in the Shannon traps and showed anthropophilic and diurnal activity. Psathyromyia pascalei predominated in the aspirations; the largest number being in armadillo burrows. Eleven species were captured in caves; although some might be troglophiles, the majority used these ecotopes as resting places. Nyssomyia intermedia, Nyssomyia neivai and Migonemyia migonei, implicated in the transmission of cutaneous leishmaniasis in the Southeastern Brazilian region, were all found, though in such low densities as to suggest minimal risk of the disease in the PEI.
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The dispersal and survival of the phlebotomines Nyssomyia intermedia and Nyssomyia neivai (both implicated as vectors of the cutaneous leishmaniasis agent) in an endemic area was investigated using a capture-mark-release technique in five experiments from August-December 2003 in municipality of Iporanga, state of São Paulo, Brazil. A total of 1,749 males and 1,262 females of Ny. intermedia and 915 males and 411 females of Ny. neivai were marked and released during the five experiments. Recapture attempts were made using automatic light traps, aspiration in natural resting places and domestic animal shelters and Shannon traps. A total of 153 specimens (3.48%) were recaptured: 2.59% (78/3,011) for Ny. intermedia and 5.35% (71/1,326) for Ny. neivai. Both species were recaptured up to 144 h post-release, with the larger part of them recaptured within 48 h. The median dispersion distances for Ny. intermedia and Ny. neivai, respectively, were 109 m and 100 m. The greatest dispersal range of Ny. intermedia was 180 m, while for Ny. neivai one female was recaptured in a pasture at 250 m and another in a pigsty at 520 m, showing a tendency to disperse to more open areas. The daily survival rates calculated based on regressions of the numbers of marked insects recaptured on the six successive days after release were 0.746 for males and 0.575 for females of Ny. intermedia and 0.649 for both sexes of Ny. neivai. The size of the populations in the five months ranged from 8,332-725,085 for Ny. intermedia males, 2,193-104,490 for Ny. intermedia females, 1,687-350,122 for Ny. neivai males and 254-49,705 for Ny. neivai females.
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A study was designed to determine how the degree programs in Information and library science available in 2000-2005 at the public universities of Madrid fit the tabour market needs of their students. The methodology used was the development of a questionnaire addressed to graduates. Although the number of surveys completed is not high (118), the authors believe that the results obtained permit a series of conclusions that may be extrapolated to the entire cohort.