The Politics of Local Autonomy: Measuring Cantonal (De)Centralisation in Switzerland

In Switzerland, there are 26 systems of cantonal decentralisation because regulating municipal autonomy is an exclusively cantonal competency. Existing measures of local autonomy/cantonal decentralisation are confined to measuring the real or perceived distribution of functions. Alternatively, they weigh expenditures (Dafflon 1992) or tax revenues (Dlabac and Schaub forthcoming) of municipalities against those of the canton. Complementing these indices, this paper additionally measures the politics dimension of cantonal decentralisation. Seven aspects are measured: intra-cantonal regionalism, cumuldesmandats (double tenure of cantonal MP and mayoral office), territorial quotas for legislative and executive elections, direct local representation and lobbying, party decentralisation, the number and size of constituencies, and direct democracy (communal referendum and initiative). This results in a ranking of all 26 cantons as regards the politics of local autonomy within their political systems. The measure will help scholars to test assumptions held for decentralisation in general, be it as a dependent (explaining decentralisation) or as an independent variable (decentralisation—so what?), within but also beyond the Swiss context.

Reforming the Swedish employment-related social security system:activation, administrative modernization and strengthening local autonomy

The Swedish system of social security has often been regarded as comprehensive and comprehensive and inclusive. During major reforms in the 1990s and 2000s, it has maintained its essential character as a popular and well-endowed provider of social security and stability. Employment-related benefits are generous in financial terms, but come with the need for recipients to remain actively engaged in the economic or educational field. However, Sweden’s geographical and demographic diversity made it necessary to increase the role of local authorities in implementing active labour market policies. This article tracks these developments since the mid-1990s, both with regard to changing the benefits system and with regard to changing local government involvement. It argues that backed by broad political support, the Swedish system has achieved the necessary modernisation and adaptation to remain a viable alternative to more neo-liberal welfare retrenchment projects conducted in other European countries.

Local colours for Indonesian National police

As a result of the local autonomy program that commenced in Indonesia in Jan 2001, there is a concern regarding the applicability of the formalized model of security & the possibility of that being replaced by a local community-based security model. This rather informal security model is then promoted to be the only form of security used between societies & the nation. However, this model does not solve the problem because of widespread corruption, collusion, & nepotism, & the many limitations of the Indonesian National Police (Polri), a police department that has a mediocre & generalized level of service. In relation to autonomy, the effort of empowering the police units from the regional police down will bridge the gap between the people's ability to protect themselves & the limitations of those that are sworn to uphold the law. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Self-rule Index for Local Authorities (Release 1.0)

Local autonomy is a highly valued feature of good governance. The continuous attempts of many European countries to strengthen the autonomy of local government show the importance given to decentralisation and far-reaching competences at the lowest units of a state. Measuring and comparing local autonomy, however, has proven to be a difficult task. Not only are there diverging ideas about the core elements of local autonomy, there are also considerable difficulties to apply specific concepts to different countries. This project suggests a comprehensive methodology to measure local autonomy. It analyses 39 European countries and reports changes between 1990 and 2014. A network of experts on local government assessed the autonomy of local government of their respective countries on the basis of a common code book. The eleven variables measured are located on seven imensions and can be combined to a "Local Autonomy Index" (LAI). The data show an increase of local autonomy between 1990 and 2005, especially in the new Central and Eastern European countries. Countries with a particularly high degree of local autonomy are Switzerland, the Nordic countries, Germany and Poland.

Políticas de turismo e comunidade local no litoral potiguar

This research focuses on raise the discussion of existance tourism policies in Rio Grande do Norte and its contributions to the integration of local communities in the coastal tourist activity. Guided by the background of the neoliberalism and its influence on the model of tourism development adopted in Rio Grande do Norte. For that, were surveyed the concrete realities of coastal localities of the municipalities of Ceará-Mirim, Extremoz, Parnamirim and Nísia Floresta covered by Prodetur-RN I and II, by being part of the tourist portion of the state that have received domestic and international investment and, because are located in the geographical area of the Potiguar capital, Natal. We interviewed the municipal managers and the residents of local communities who live in municipalities more than ten years. Also, was raised a discussion on the role of the state as the main agent of public policies and hegemonic facilitator in the attraction of domestic and foreign investments, with the main scenario the neoliberal model of economic development. Here discuss ways and strategies of socio-political organization of local communities, with regard to the inclusion in the tourist and, pointing to the critical development model in question and signaling other concepts of development model, such as local basis, for example. By the ending of the research, was concluded that the model of development of the tourism in the Rio Grande do Norte is reflected of the way of life of the society, that the communities live in precarious conditions and that the way of inclusion in the tourism is almost incipient. Also, it was possible to detect the inexistence of public politics of tourism that promoted the planning of the tourist activity, as well as, the inclusion of the communities in the decision processes and that, searched the development on the basis of the principles of sustainable and local autonomy

Villas y aldeas en el Antiguo Régimen : Conflicto y consenso en el marco local castellano

Las villas y aldeas de Castilla recorrieron juntas un largo y difícil camino desde los siglos medievales, cuando se fueron conformando como cuerpos políticos, basados en servicios recíprocos que aspiraban a alcanzar el bien común del conjunto. La naturaleza jerárquicamente desigual de dicho cuerpo fue acentuándose y las cabezas jurisdiccionales llevaron a la práctica unas relaciones de dominio cada vez más acusado frente a las aldeas. En estas comunidades rurales, linajes en ascenso aspiraban, no obstante, a ampliar sus propias cotas de autogobierno. La armonía que debía presidir el cuerpo común de villas y aldeas fue desapareciendo, y la política regia de ventas de villazgos con fines hacendísticos, iniciada por Carlos V, respondió a una demanda de segregación que solucionaba al mismo tiempo las aspiraciones jurisdiccionales de las comunidades rurales y de sus nuevas oligarquías así como las necesidades de ingresos extraordinarios de la real hacienda

Villas y aldeas en el Antiguo Régimen : Conflicto y consenso en el marco local castellano

Las villas y aldeas de Castilla recorrieron juntas un largo y difícil camino desde los siglos medievales, cuando se fueron conformando como cuerpos políticos, basados en servicios recíprocos que aspiraban a alcanzar el bien común del conjunto. La naturaleza jerárquicamente desigual de dicho cuerpo fue acentuándose y las cabezas jurisdiccionales llevaron a la práctica unas relaciones de dominio cada vez más acusado frente a las aldeas. En estas comunidades rurales, linajes en ascenso aspiraban, no obstante, a ampliar sus propias cotas de autogobierno. La armonía que debía presidir el cuerpo común de villas y aldeas fue desapareciendo, y la política regia de ventas de villazgos con fines hacendísticos, iniciada por Carlos V, respondió a una demanda de segregación que solucionaba al mismo tiempo las aspiraciones jurisdiccionales de las comunidades rurales y de sus nuevas oligarquías así como las necesidades de ingresos extraordinarios de la real hacienda

Villas y aldeas en el Antiguo Régimen : Conflicto y consenso en el marco local castellano

Las villas y aldeas de Castilla recorrieron juntas un largo y difícil camino desde los siglos medievales, cuando se fueron conformando como cuerpos políticos, basados en servicios recíprocos que aspiraban a alcanzar el bien común del conjunto. La naturaleza jerárquicamente desigual de dicho cuerpo fue acentuándose y las cabezas jurisdiccionales llevaron a la práctica unas relaciones de dominio cada vez más acusado frente a las aldeas. En estas comunidades rurales, linajes en ascenso aspiraban, no obstante, a ampliar sus propias cotas de autogobierno. La armonía que debía presidir el cuerpo común de villas y aldeas fue desapareciendo, y la política regia de ventas de villazgos con fines hacendísticos, iniciada por Carlos V, respondió a una demanda de segregación que solucionaba al mismo tiempo las aspiraciones jurisdiccionales de las comunidades rurales y de sus nuevas oligarquías así como las necesidades de ingresos extraordinarios de la real hacienda

Unilever as a "multi-local" multinational 1945-1979

Explores the opportunities and threats to Unilever's global business in 1978 based on the commercial and political challenges faced by three of its subsidiaries, Lever Brothers in the United States, Hindustan Lever in India, and United Africa Company in West Africa. Management faced several problems: criticism of multinational companies, anti-trust legislation, expropriations, and rising competition from international and local rivals. Focuses on developing a new global strategy for a company that placed a premium on a consensual management style and local autonomy.

O Poder Tributário das Autarquias

Dissertação de Mestrado em Solicitadoria

O Conceito de Autarquias Locais na Constituição da República de Angola: o caso do Município

Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Administrativo

Integrated care organizations in Switzerland.

INTRODUCTION: The Swiss health care system is characterized by its decentralized structure and high degree of local autonomy. Ambulatory care is provided by physicians working mainly independently in individual private practices. However, a growing part of primary care is provided by networks of physicians and health maintenance organizations (HMOs) acting on the principles of gatekeeping. TOWARDS INTEGRATED CARE IN SWITZERLAND: The share of insured choosing an alternative (managed care) type of basic health insurance and therefore restrict their choice of doctors in return for lower premiums increased continuously since 1990. To date, an average of one out of eight insured person in Switzerland, and one out of three in the regions in north-eastern Switzerland, opted for the provision of care by general practitioners in one of the 86 physician networks or HMOs. About 50% of all general practitioners and more than 400 other specialists have joined a physician networks. Seventy-three of the 86 networks (84%) have contracts with the healthcare insurance companies in which they agree to assume budgetary co-responsibility, i.e., to adhere to set cost targets for particular groups of patients. Within and outside the physician networks, at regional and/or cantonal levels, several initiatives targeting chronic diseases have been developed, such as clinical pathways for heart failure and breast cancer patients or chronic disease management programs for patients with diabetes. CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS: Swiss physician networks and HMOs were all established solely by initiatives of physicians and health insurance companies on the sole basis of a healthcare legislation (Swiss Health Insurance Law, KVG) which allows for such initiatives and developments. The relevance of these developments towards more integration of healthcare as well as their implications for the future are discussed.

Conflits politiques et réseaux sociaux au XVIIIe siècle

Abstract: On Sunday 1745-8-29 a small upheaval occurred in Bagnes, a rather marginal mountain valley in the Swiss Alps, against the abbot of St-Maurice, the local feudal lord. In our perspective, this movement was nothing but one element in a long-term struggle, carried out by a stable and quite well organized political faction. The detailed analysis of the conflicts, of their protagonists as well as an analysis of the mobilization networks allows to highlight crucial aspects of local political life and reveals the active role of working classes. The micro-historical approach leads to some conclusions which challenge classical interpretation of pre-modern rural revolts. The case of Bagnes sheds light on the active and innovative character of popular politics, still underestimated in studies about pre-modern rural societies. The participants in the struggle against the abbot had a political program which was not limited to the quest for local autonomy. They fought for an opening of local corporations and a weakening of the control mechanism, for economic, political and cultural evolution of their valley. Bagnes rebels were decidedly "innovative rebels" Résumé: Le dimanche 29 août 1745, une petite émeute éclate à Bagnes, une vallée marginale des Alpes suisses, contre le seigneur, l'abbé de St-Maurice. Dans notre perspective, cette révolte n'est qu'un élément d'une lutte de longue haleine, pendant laquelle l'opposition au seigneur représente une partie active et bien organisée du conflit. L'analyse détaillée des protagonistes des luttes politiques, ainsi que des réseaux sociaux qui influencent la mobilisation, permet de mieux comprendre les dynamiques d'organisation de la vie politique locale et le rôle actif des couches populaires. Cette perspective autorise quelques conclusions, qui remettent en question les interprétations classiques des révoltes rurales d'Ancien Régime. Dans le cas de Bagnes, le caractère actif et novateur de la « politique populaire » encore négligé dans les études sur la période moderne, apparaît évident. Les protagonistes de la lutte contre l'abbé soutiennent un projet politique qui ne se réduit pas à une autonomie maximale de la région. Au contraire, ils prônent une ouverture des corporations locales, une transformation des structures économiques, politiques et culturelles de la vallée. Les émeutiers du Châble étaient décidément des « rebelles-novateurs ».

La Comissió Jurídica Assessora i l'autonomia de Catalunya durant la Segona República: la creació del sistema polític i institucional d'autogovern

[cat] La tesi que es defensa en aquest article és la posició de centralitat que va tenir la Comissió Jurídica Assessora durant el període de la Generalitat republicana en la creació i la configuració del sistema polític i institucional d'autogovern a Catalunya. Per a demostrar aquesta tesi s'analitzen els avantprojectes de llei que va elaborar durant aquest període la Comissió Jurídica Assessora: la Constitució o Estatut interior, la Llei municipal, el Tribunal de Cassació de Catalunya i els recursos en les vies governativa i contenciosa administrativa. L'anàlisi d'aquests avantprojectes posa en relleu com durant aquest període es van forjar les institucions d'autogovern, es van posar les bases de la democràcia i de l'autonomia local, com també es va crear una jurisdicció contenciosa administrativa pròpia. L'avantprojecte de llei de recursos en les vies governativa i contenciosa administrativa serà un precedent rellevant, però oblidat, de les lleis estatals sobre procediment administratiu i jurisdicció contenciosa administrativa. En definitiva, el sistema polític i institucional català que hi ha en l'actualitat no podria entendre's sense els antecedents de la Generalitat republicana que, recollint la legitimació històrica de les institucions medievals, van saber configurar les bases d'un sistema adaptat a les necessitats de la societat contemporània.

Reconnaître et protéger le statut constitutionnel des municipalités: critique de l'état du droit et perspectives d'avenir

Ce mémoire propose un portrait global et une critique de l'état du droit canadien relatif au statut juridique des municipalités. L'adage voulant que les municipalités constituent des créatures des législatures ne possédant aucun statut constitutionnel est un héritage du droit américain (théorie du Dillon 's rule) de la fin du 1ge siècle. Or, plusieurs États américains ont introduit très tôt le principe du home rule (autonomie locale) dans leurs constitutions. Le Canada n'a pas fait de même et les institutions municipales ne sont toujours pas protégées dans la Constitution écrite. On constate toutefois une évolution de la législation et de la jurisprudence vers une augmentation de l'autonomie municipale. Notre hypothèse est que l'existence d'institutions municipales représentées par des élus et pourvues de pouvoirs autonomes dans les matières d'intérêt purement municipal fait partie de la Constitution non écrite. Les exceptions non écrites au pouvoir d'une province de modifier sa constitution interne, ainsi que les principes structurels de la démocratie et de la protection des minorités sont étudiés. Un statut protégé pour les municipalités est conforme au droit international et plusieurs États, dont la Californie et l’Italie, ont constitutionnalisé les pouvoirs locaux. Enfin, nous proposons diverses avenues inspirées du droit international et du droit comparé afin que le Canada, ou le Québec, reconnaisse expressément que l'existence de la troisième branche de gouvernement est protégée et que la Législature ne peut porter atteinte au caractère démocratique des municipalités, ni à leurs pouvoirs municipaux généraux.