La repressió dels eclesiàstics absolutistes lleidatans al Trienni Liberal: el cas del bisbe Renteria

El bisbe Simón Renteria y Reyes va ocupar la Mitra de la diòcesi de Lleida durant el període 1819-1824. Al Trienni Liberal Renteria va esdevenir un eix molt important de l’absolutisme a la ciutat de Lleida ja que va oposar-se notablement a les reformes legislatives liberals, defensant una clara tendència al conservadorisme i al tradicionalisme dins de l’àmbit del pensament polític. Per aquest motiu va protestar contra les noves lleis i Decrets del govern liberal i va enviar tot un seguit de cartes i oficis amb l’objectiu de capgirar la política de les Corts Constitucionals. Fruit d’aquesta oposició al règim liberal les autoritats lleidatanes el van expulsar de la ciutat. També altres membres de l’Església van patir, en diferent grau, la repressió del poder liberal. Amb el retorn un altre cop de l’absolutisme a finals de l’any 1823 els religiosos que s’havien mantingut fidels al tradicionalisme van rebre diverses recompenses.

La repercusión del régimen constitucional en la Iglesia de Lleida durante el trienio liberal

A principios del año 1820 la revolución de Rafael de Riego instauró el régimen liberal en España. La Iglesia de Lleida se adaptó correctamente al nuevo modelo político. Pero la obra legislativa de las Cortes liberales perjudicó gravemente a todas las estructuras políticas, económicas y sociales de la institución eclesiástica. Con la radicalización del gobierno liberal se produjo la ruptura de las relaciones de los con el Ayuntamiento de Lleida, quiénes al poco tiempo sufrieron la persecución y la represión de las autoridades liberales. Por tanto, el balance del período liberal fue muy negativo y su impacto enorme.

Targeted! Population segmentation, electronic surveillance and governing the unemployed in Australia

Targeting is increasingly used to manage people. It operates by segmenting populations and providing different levels of opportunities and services to these groups. Each group is subject to different levels of surveillance and scrutiny. This article examines the deployment of targeting in Australian social security. Three case studies of targeting are presented in Australia's management of benefit overpayment and fraud, the distribution of employment services and the application of workfare. In conceptualizing surveillance as governance, the analysis examines the rationalities, technologies and practices that make targeting thinkable, practicable and achievable. In the case studies, targeting is variously conceptualized and justified by calculative risk discourses, moral discourses of obligation and notions of welfare dependency Advanced information technologies are also seen as particularly important in giving rise to the capacity to think about and act on population segments.

Governing society today: Editors' introduction

The notion of governing society has for a long time seemed self-evident. Society was conceived as a totality coincident with a certain space, a territory, and occupied by a population. Governing was undertaken by a unified agency that acted upon the society of which it was also a specialized part--the government, or, more broadly, "the state." The notion of "governing society" thus referred unproblematically to the binary of state and society. The articles in this special issue of Alternatives, however, each in its own and different way, address the question of "governing society today."

El Semi-Semanario Ilerdense (1822)

En este artículo se pretende analizar la prensa de la ciudad de Lleida durante el Trienio Liberal. Para ello se ha iniciado el texto introduciendo un contexto histórico marcado por la contrarrevolución realista destinada a acabar con el gobierno liberal. Para a continuación esbozar una breve caracterización de la prensa en el Trienio Liberal. Finalmente se estudian de una manera pormenorizada los ocho números del Semi-Semanario Ilerdense (1822), el único periódico editado y publicado en Lleida a lo largo del período liberal, el cual se identificó por su carácter liberal exaltado.

Multinational drug corporations, intellectual property rights and the Canadian state : a historical and critical analysis

This study critically analyzes the historical role and influence of multinational drug cotpOrations and multinational corporations in general; the u.s. government and the Canadian state in negotiating the global recognition ofIntellectual Property Rights (IPR) under GATT/NAFTA. This process began in 1969 when the Liberal government, in response to high prices for brand-name drugs amended the Patent Act to introduce compulsory licensing by reducing monopoly protection from 20 to seven years. Although the financial position ofthe multinational drug industry was not affected, it campaigned vigorously to change the 1969 legislation. In 1987, the Patent Act was amended to extend protection to 10 years as a condition for free trade talks with the u.s. Nonetheless, the drug industry was not satisfied and accused Canada of providing a bad example to other nations. Therefore, it continued to campaign for global recognition ofIPR laws under GATT. Following the conclusion of the GATTI Trade-Related aspects of Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS) in 1991, the multinational drug industry and the American government, to the surprise of many, were still not satisfied and sought to implement harsher conditions under NAFTA. The Progressive Conservative government readily agreed without any objections or consideration for the social consequences. As a result, Bill C-91 was introduced. It abandoned compulsory licenses and was made retroactive from December 21, 1991. It is the contention of this thesis that the economic survival of multinational corporations on a global scale depends on the role and functions of the modem state. Similarly, the existence of the state depends on the ideological-political and socioeconomic assistance it gives to multinational corporations on a national and international scale. This dialectical relation of the state and multinational corporations is explored in our theoretical and historical analysis of their role in public policy.

La privatisation des soins de santé : clarifications conceptuelles et observations sur le cas québécois

Au Québec, depuis les 25 dernières années, l’enjeu de la privatisation dans le secteur de la santé revient constamment dans le débat public. Déjà dans les années 1980, lorsque le secteur de la santé a commencé à subir d’importantes pressions, faire participer davantage le privé était présenté comme une voie envisageable. Plus récemment, avec l’adoption de la loi 33 par le gouvernement libéral de Jean Charest, plusieurs groupes ont dénoncé la privatisation en santé. Ce qui frappe lorsque l’on s’intéresse à la privatisation en santé, c’est que plusieurs textes abordant cette question ne définissent pas clairement le concept. En se penchant plus particulièrement sur le cas du Québec, cette recherche vise dans un premier temps à rappeler comment a émergé et progressé l’idée de privatisation en santé. Cette idée est apparue dans les années 1980 alors que les programmes publics de soins de santé ont commencé à exercer d’importantes pressions sur les finances publiques des États ébranlés par la crise économique et qu’au même moment, l’idéologie néolibérale, qui remet en question le rôle de l’État dans la couverture sociale, éclipsait tranquillement le keynésianisme. Une nouvelle manière de gérer les programmes publics de soins de santé s’imposait comme étant la voie à adopter. Le nouveau management public et les techniques qu’il propose, dont la privatisation, sont apparus comme étant une solution à considérer. Ensuite, par le biais d’une revue de la littérature, cette recherche fait une analyse du concept de privatisation, tant sur le plan de la protection sociale en général que sur celui de la santé. Ce faisant, elle contribue à combler le flou conceptuel entourant la privatisation et à la définir de manière systématique. Ainsi, la privatisation dans le secteur de la santé transfère des responsabilités du public vers le privé dans certaines activités soit sur le plan: 1) de la gestion et de l’administration, 2) du financement, 3) de la provision et 4) de la propriété. De plus, la privatisation est un processus de changement et peut être initiée de manière active ou passive. La dernière partie de cette recherche se concentre sur le cas québécois et montre comment la privatisation a progressé dans le domaine de la santé au Québec et comment certains éléments du contexte institutionnel canadien ont influencé le processus de privatisation en santé dans le contexte québécois. Suite à une diminution dans le financement en matière de santé de la part du gouvernement fédéral à partir des années 1980, le gouvernement québécois a privatisé activement des services de santé complémentaires en les désassurant, mais a aussi mis en place la politique du virage ambulatoire qui a entraîné une privatisation passive du système de santé. Par cette politique, une nouvelle tendance dans la provision des soins, consistant à retourner plus rapidement les patients dans leur milieu de vie, s’est dessinée. La Loi canadienne sur la santé qui a déjà freiné la privatisation des soins ne représente pas un obstacle suffisant pour arrêter ce type de privatisation. Finalement, avec l’adoption de la loi 33, suite à l’affaire Chaoulli, le gouvernement du Québec a activement fait une plus grande place au privé dans trois activités du programme public de soins de santé soit dans : l’administration et la gestion, la provision et le financement.

Risk technology in Australia: The role of the job seeker classification instrument in employment services

Promoted as the key policy response to unemployment, the Job Network constitutes an array of interlocking processes that position unemployed people as `problems' in need of remediation. Unemployment is presented as a primary risk threatening society, and unemployed people are presented as displaying various degrees of riskiness. The Job Seeker Classification Instrument (JSCI) is a `technology' employed by Centrelink to assess `risk' and to determine the type of interaction that unemployed people have with the job Network. In the first instance, we critically examine the development of the JSCI and expose issues that erode its credibility and legitimacy. Second, employing the analytical tools of discourse analysis, we show how the JSCI both assumes and imposes particular subject identities on unemployed people. The purpose of this latter analysis is to illustrate the consequences of the sorts of technologies and interventions used within the job Network.

Prudent Budget Planning and Budgetary Process Effectiveness: The Canadian Federal Government’s Experience (Working Paper 47)

In 1994, the Liberal government introduced a structured approach to prudent budgeting to provide the fiscal discipline needed to meet its debt reduction targets in which explicit prudence factors were introduced into the fiscal framework to reduce the amount of fiscal flexibility available for allocation in each annual budget. Although that framework was successful in contributing to the elimination of persistent budgetary deficits, this paper advances three linked arguments: • that additional but undisclosed prudence factors were also introduced into the fiscal framework to attenuate the political risk of missing budget targets; • that these undisclosed prudence factors are one cause of a number of unintended budgetary outcomes that put the effectiveness of the budgetary process at risk; and • that there is nothing inherently politically partisan about the Liberal’s approach to prudent budget planning and, changes to terminology and display notwithstanding, the present Conservative government has continued to apply most elements of that framework in its budgets. Moving from a single-year budget target to one that is expressed as a cumulative total over the election cycle is discussed as one option that would help preserve the merits of prudent budgeting.

The Canadian Federal Government’s Experience with Prudent Budget Planning (Working Paper 42)

The Liberal government made three significant changes to the budget process during the twelve years that it held office (from 1993 to the election call in the winter of 2005). The first of these changes was the formal introduction of prudent budget planning. The second was a focus on reallocation, beginning with its 1994 Program Review initiative, followed by a series of other measures. The third was the introduction for fiscal 2003-04 of a full accrual basis for the budget (though not, it should be noted, full accrual budgeting) and for the Public Accounts. This paper focuses predominantly on the first of these changes and examines its impact on the government’s budget and expenditure management decision-making processes.

La unificación nacional que dejó una nación dividida. El gobierno del Presidente Zelaya y la ‘reincorporación’ de la Mosquitia a Nicaragua en 1894

ResumenExamina los motivos y la actuación política del gobierno liberal encabezado por le presidente José SANTOS Zelaya, en la fase inicial de las reincorporación de la Mosquita a Nicaragua. Los conceptos vigentes de territorio, soberanía y progreso material pasaron por alto los derechos legítimos de la población costeña.AbstractAn analysis of the motivations and political conduct of the Liberal government headed by President José Santos Zelaya, during the early stage of reincorporation of Mosquitia to Nicaragua. The prevailing concepts with respect to territory, sovereignty, and material progress did not take into account the legitimate rights of the coastal inhabitants.

The Cornerstones of Modern Government Maps, Weights and Measures and Census in Liberal Portugal (19th century)

Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor in History and Civilisation from the European University Institute

Populism and Liberal Democracy: Populists in Government in Austria, Italy, Poland and Switzerland

The enduring electoral success of populist parties across Europe and the increasing opportunities they have gained to access government in recent years bring once more into relief the question of whether populism and democracy are fully compatible. In this article we show how, despite playing different roles in government within very different political systems, and despite the numerous constraints placed upon them (for instance, EU membership, international law and domestic checks and balances), populist parties consistently pursued policies that clashed with fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. In particular, the idea that the power of the majority must be limited and restrained, the sanctity of individual rights and the principle of the division of powers have all come under threat in contemporary Europe. This has contributed to the continuing erosion of the liberal consensus, which has provided one of the fundamental foundations of the European project from its start.

Public education. Plans for the government and liberal instruction of boys, in large numbers; as practised at Hazelwood School.

Mode of access: Internet.

From co-operative to competitive localism? The changing balance between equity and efficiency in local government under the Conservative / Liberal Democrat coalition

This paper considers whether there has been a shift in the balance between equity and efficiency in respect of decentralised public policy in England since the election of the Conservative / Liberal Democrat coalition in 2010. Drawing on the literature on policy decentralisation and fiscal federalism from both Political Science and Economics, reasons are discussed why a trade-off between equity and efficiency might be expected. The context of English local government then outlined, and consideration is then given to four areas of policy: business rate localisation, the ‘New Homes Bonus’, council tax benefit and social housing, and regional economic development. In each case, some shift in the balance away from concern with equity towards one with efficiency is discerned: whether or not this is desirable will prove a matter of political and moral, as well as scientific judgement.