975 resultados para Legal recognition


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This article seeks to examine the cross-border legal recognition of same-sex relationships in the EU. Although the Member States maintain an exclusive competence in the field of family law and, thus, it is up to them to determine whether they will provide a legal status to same-sex couples within their territory, they need to exercise their powers in that field in a way that does not violate EU law. This, it is suggested, requires that Member States mutually recognize the legal status of same-sex couples and do not treat same-sex couples worse than opposite-sex couples, if the basis of the differentiation is, merely, the (homosexual) sexual orientation of the two spouses/partners. Nonetheless, the current legal framework does not make it clear that Member States are under such an obligation. The main argument of the article, therefore, is that the EU must adopt a more hands-on approach towards this issue.

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1er Prix du concours d'initiation à la recherche organisé par le Regroupement Droit et Changements. La Loi sur les Indiens institutionnalise toujours de nombreuses facettes de ce qu’est être « Indien » pour beaucoup d’individus au Canada et un changement de perspective doit être opéré. Cet essai puise dans la pensée du philosophe Theodor Adorno pour réfléchir aux tentatives de reconnaissance juridique par le Canada des individus et sociétés autochtones en vertu de l’article 35 de la Constitution. L’auteur présente la théorie de la dialectique négative d’Adorno de 1966 sur le rapport à l’altérité, à partir de l’analyse de la professeure Drucilla Cornell, afin d’identifier ce que sa pensée prescrit pour établir des rapports non-oppressants entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones et leurs gouvernements aujourd’hui. La dialectique négative est particulièrement appropriée à la tentative de reconnaissance juridique de l’existence des sociétés autochtones par le Canada, du fait de leur statut marginalisé et de leurs revendications à la spécificité. Après avoir établi un tel cadre, l’auteur souligne que des précédentes tentatives de reconnaissances se sont soldées par des échecs en raison des désaccords au niveau des valeurs impliquées et des concepts utilisés auxquels elles ont donné lieu. Le processus de signature des traités numérotés de 1871-1921 est employé comme illustration en raison de son résultat souvent décrit aujourd’hui comme coercitif et injuste en dépit du discours de négociation sur un pied d’égalité l’ayant accompagné. Les critiques contemporaines de la politique en vigueur de mise en œuvre de l’autonomie gouvernementale autochtone par des accords négociés sont également présentées, afin d’illustrer que des désaccords quant à la manière dont l’État canadien entend reconnaître les peuples autochtones persistent à ce jour. L’auteur ajoute que, du point de vue de la dialectique négative, de tels désaccords doivent nécessairement être résolus pour que des rapports moins oppressifs puissent être établis. L’auteur conclut que la dialectique négative impose à la fois de se considérer soi-même (« je est un autre ») et de considérer l’autre comme au-delà des limites de sa propre pensée. La Cour suprême a déjà reconnu que la seule perspective de la common law n’est pas suffisante pour parvenir à une réconciliation des souverainetés des Autochtones et de la Couronne en vertu de la Constitution. Le concept de common law de fiduciaire présente un véhicule juridique intéressant pour une reconfiguration plus profonde par le gouvernement canadien de son rapport avec les peuples autochtones, priorisant processus plutôt que résultats et relations plutôt que certitude. Il doit toutefois être gardé à l’esprit que la reconnaissance de ces peuples par l’État canadien par le prisme de la pensée d’Adorno présente non seulement le défi d’inclure de nouvelles perspectives, mais également de remettre en cause les prémisses fondamentales à partir desquelles on considère la communauté canadienne en général.

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This article explores the precarious status of Eritrean and Sudanese nationals in Israel. Having crossed the Israeli-Egyptian border without authorisation and not through an official border crossing, Israeli law defines such individuals as ‘infiltrators’, a charged term which dates back to border-crossings into Israel by Palestinian Fedayeen in the 1950s. Eritreans and Sudanese nationals constitute over 90 percent of ‘infiltrators’ in Israel. Their livelihood is curtailed through hostility, sanctions, and detention, while (at the time of writing) Israel refrains from deporting them to their respective countries of origin, recognising that such forced removal could expose them to risks to their lives and/or freedom. Israel was the 10th state to ratify the 1951 Refugee Convention, and has acceded to its 1967 Protocol which removed the 1951 Convention’s temporal and geographic restrictions, yet it has not incorporated these treaties into its domestic law not has it enacted primary legislation that sets eligibility criteria for ‘refugee’ status and regulates the treatment of asylum-seekers. Israeli law also fails to accord subsidiary protection status to persons that the state considers to be non-removable, whether or not they satisfy the definition of a ‘refugee’ under the 1951 Convention. Absent legal recognition of ‘refugee’, ‘asylum-seeker’, and ‘beneficiary of subsidiary protection’ statuses, Eritreans and Sudanese nationals are left in legal limbo for an indefinite period qua irregular non-removable persons. This article takes stock of their legal predicament.

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This paper will focus on the legal issues associated with people displaced as a result of water scarcity. Human displacement can lead to internal displacement (displacement of people within their country) and external displacement (displacement of people into another country). If the displacement takes place as a result of climate change these people may be referred to as climate refugees. The majority of work on climate refugees has focused on those people that will lose their homes as a result of sea –level rise. The number of people that could be displaced as a result of prolonged drought and lack of adequate water supplies is likely to be far more significant in number. There are estimates that around 2.8 billion people will suffer water shortages by 2025 and many of these people are at increased risk of internal or external displacement. Certain groups are more likely to be displaced as a result of prolonged drought or water scarcity. These groups include indigenous and minorities groups living in areas that are more susceptible to climate change and groups living in areas with a history of water shortage and supply issues. People displaced as a result of water scarcity are at increased risks of malnutrition and of dehydration. Furthermore the lack of adequate water supplies in such areas increases the risk and spread of disease among the population. In certain instances internal and external displacement may lead to escalation of conflict and competition for water resources in newly settled territories. This paper will use case studies from Australia (indigenous groups and rural landholders) and East Africa (Ethiopia, Sudan and Kenya) to demonstrate the significance of human displacement arising as a result of water scarcity. Climate adaptation policy frameworks will need to address a number of legal issues, arising as a result of climate displacement from water scarcity. There are a number of unresolved legal issues for both categories of environmental displaced people. The major legal issue for externally environmentally displaced people is lack of international recognition and support for these people. The Climate Change Convention, the Refugee Convention, the Desertification Convention and Human Rights instruments all fail to provide recognition for people externally displaced as a result of environmental conditions. Similarly there is a lack of legal recognition and legal support mechanisms to assist those people internally displaced by environmental conditions. The lack of developed environmental rights in most countries contributes to this problem. Polices and governance frameworks must be put in place which aims to prevent such displacement through programs identifying populations at risk and instigating damage mitigation and relocation programs. In addition there are a number of legal issues which may arise such as; rights of compensation, property and tenure disputes, increases on the water demand and environmental degradation in places of relocation and jurisdictional issues arising in federal countries. This paper will provide an overview of the legal issues at the international and national levels arising as a result of climate displacement from water scarcity.  

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One of the ways in which indigenous communities seek justice is through the formal recognition of their sovereign rights to land. Such recognition allows indigenous groups to maintain a physical and spiritual connection with their land and continue customary management of their land. Indigenous groups world over face significant hurdles in getting their customary rights to land recognized by legal systems. One of the main difficulties for indigenous groups in claiming customary land rights is the existence of a range of conflicting legal entitlements attaching to the land in question. In Australia, similar to New Zealand and Canada legal recognition to customary land is recognized through a grant of native title rights or through the establishment of land use agreement. In other jurisdictions such as Indonesia and Papua New Guinea a form of customary land title has been preserved and is recognized by the legal system. The implementation of REDD+ and other forms of forest carbon investment activities compounds the already complex arrangements surrounding legal recognition of customary land rights. Free, prior and informed consent of indigenous groups is essential for forest carbon investment on customary land. The attainment of such consent in practice remains challenging due to the number of conflicting interests often associated with forested land. This paper examines Australia’s experience in recongising indigenous land rights under its International Forest Carbon Initiative and under its domestic Carbon Credits (Carbon Farming Initiative) Act (Australia) 2011. Australia’s International Forest Carbon initiative has a budget of $273 million dollars. In 2008 the governments of Australia and Indonesia signed the Indonesia-Australia Forest Carbon Partnership Agreement. This paper will examine the indigenous land tenure and justice lessons learned from the implementation of the Kalimantan Forest and Climate Partnership (KFCP). The KFCP is $30 million dollar project taking place over 120,000 hectares of degraded and forested peatland in Central Kalimantan, Indonesia. The KFCP project site contains seven villages of the Dayak Ngdu indigenous people. In 2011 Australia established a domestic Forest Carbon Initiative, which seeks to provide new economic opportunities for farmers, forest growers and indigenous landholders while helping the environmental by reducing carbon pollution. This paper will explore the manner in which indigenous people are able to participate within these scheme noting the limits and opportunities in deriving co-benefits for indigenous people in Australia under this scheme.

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The leading Australian High Court case of Cameron v Hogan (1934) 51 CLR 358 confirmed that associations which are 'social, sporting, political, scientific, religious, artistic or humanitarian in character’, and not formed ‘for private gain or material advantage’, are usually formed on a basis of mutual consent. Unless there is some clear, positive indication that the members wish to relate to each other in a legal fashion, the rules of the association will not be treated as an enforceable contract in contrast to the rules of incorporated bodies. Australian unincorporated associations experiencing internal disputes, like those in most other common law jurisdictions, have found courts reluctant to provide a remedy unless there is a proprietary interest or trust to protect. This is further compounded by the judicial view that an unincorporated association has no legal recognition as a ‘juristic person’. The right to hold property and the ability to sue and be sued are incidences of this recognition. By contrast, the law recognises ‘artificial’ legal persons such as corporations, who are given rights to hold property and to sue and be sued. However, when a number of individuals associate together for a non-commercial, lawful purpose, but not by way of a corporate structure, legal recognition ‘as a group’ is denied. Since 1934, a significant number of cases have distinguished or otherwise declined to follow this precedent of the High Court. A trenchant criticism is found in McKinnon v Grogan [1974] 1 NSWLR 295, 298 where Wootten J said that ‘citizens are entitled to look to the courts for the same assistance in resolving disputes about the conduct of sporting, political and social organisations as they can expect in relation to commercial institutions’. According to Wootten J at 298, if disputes are not settled by the courts, this would create a ‘legal-no-man's land, in which disputes are settled not in accordance with justice and the fulfilment of deliberately undertaken obligations, but by deceit, craftiness, and an arrogant disregard of rights’. Cameron v Hogan was decided in 1934. There is an increasing volume of first instance cases which distinguish or, in the words of Palmer J, ‘just pay lip service’ to this High Court decision. (Coleman v Liberal Party of Australia (2007) 212 FLR 271, 278). The dissenting cases seem to call for a judicial policy initiative. This would require recognition by judges that voluntary associations play a significant role in society and that members have a legitimate, enforceable expectation that the rules of the association will be observed by members and in the last resort, enforced by the courts without the need to prove contractual intention, the existence of a trust or the existence of a right of a proprietary nature. This thesis asks: what legal, as distinct from political, redress does an ordinary member have, when a rule is made or a process followed which is contrary to the underlying doctrines and philosophies embodied in the constitutional documents of an unincorporated religious association? When, if at all, will a court intervene to ensure doctrinal purity or to supervise the daily life of a large unincorporated religious association? My research objective is to examine and analyse leading cases and relevant legislation on the enforceability of the constitutions of large, unincorporated, religious associations with particular reference to the Anglican Church in New South Wales. Given its numerical size, wide geographical spread and presence since the foundation of New South Wales, the Anglican Church in New South Wales, contains a sufficient variety of ‘real life’ situations to be representative of the legal issues posed by Cameron v Hogan which may be faced by other large, unincorporated, religious associations in New South Wales. In contemporary society, large, unincorporated, religious associations play an important community role. The resolution of internal disputes in such associations should not remain captive to legal doctrines of an earlier age.

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Guardianship laws which provide legal mechanisms for decision-making on behalf of adults with limited or impaired capacity to make decisions have become a feature of most Western jurisdictions. In the UK, the Adults with Incapacity (Scotland) Act 2000 and the English and Welsh Mental Capacity Act 2005 have established a comprehensive framework for authorising medical, financial and welfare decisions to be taken on behalf of adults who are unable to take any or all such decisions themselves. One feature of guardianship regimes has been their tendency to evolve over time. Legal reforms have been instigated by the changes in philosophical views about how society should engage with adults with a decision-making impairment and also modern views about the role human rights play in guardianships regimes. The latest ideas in guardianship regimes around the Western world centre on the possibility of legal recognition of the concept of assisted decision-making...

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The production of the play Heretic in 1996 prompted a debate over copyright and the dramatic arts in Australia. The playwright David Williamson argued that the role of the writer was supreme. Although he was willing to acknowledge the contributions of other collaborators, the playwright did not believe that these interpreters deserved copyright protection. The director Wayne Harrison advocated a more collaborative vision of the performing arts. He believed that the role of the director and the position of the producer deserved greater legal recognition. Furthermore he was also willing to countenance limited rights for performers. This article argues that recognition should be accorded to all of the main collaborators in the performing arts. It contends that economic rights and moral rights should not be just limited to the writer, the director, and the producer, but they should extend to the performers and the designers.

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A união estável é uma forma de relação conjugal presente, como concubinato, em diversas sociedades desde a antiguidade, constituindo uma opção de vida conjugal que tem se tornado cada vez mais freqüente na atualidade. O novo Código Civil (2002), em coerência com as mudanças introduzidas pela Constituição de 1988, confere a esse tipo de vínculo o título de entidade familiar, passando ele a compor o Livro de Família deste diploma legal. O tratamento jurídico fez dessa forma de relação antiga um novo arranjo conjugal, fato com inúmeras implicações no âmbito da vida privada. Como fato novo, a união estável gera estranhamentos, provocando um processo de familiarização social através da sua ancoragem em forma de relações conjugais já existentes: o casamento ou o concubinato. A partir desse entendimento, o presente trabalho teve por objetivo descrever, analisar e comparar as representações sociais a respeito da união estável produzidas por homens e mulheres, em quatro condições distintas: casados, solteiros, em união estável, separados. A amostra da pesquisa empírica foi composta de 304 sujeitos, com 76 em cada situação conjugal considerada, sendo metade homens e metade mulheres. O instrumento utilizado foi um questionário composto de 41 questões, sendo 21 fechadas e 19 abertas. Dentre elas, 40 são questões substantivas relativas à união estável, com vistas à obtenção de dados que configurem circunstancialmente as representações sociais. O questionário é iniciado por uma questão específica de evocação livre à descrição de uma relação conjugal do tipo união estável, para identificação dos conteúdos temáticos básicos e da estrutura das representações, de modo a permitir sua comparação. Finalmente, uma questão, desmembrada em 6 itens, visa à caracterização sócio-demográfica do conjunto dos sujeitos. As evocações foram analisadas através do software EVOC, permitindo identificar a estrutura das representações sociais. As respostas às perguntas fechadas e abertas, estas após sua categorização, foram objeto de um tratamento estatístico descritivo simples. Os resultados demonstraram que o núcleo central das representações sociais dos quatro grupos investigados compõe-se basicamente pelos sentimentos de amor e respeito. Observou-se também um alto grau de informação a respeito da união estável e posicionamentos predominantemente favoráveis tanto a respeito da legalização quanto em relação a alguns de seus aspectos jurídicos considerados polêmicos, como a conversão da união estável em casamento. Este estudo evidenciou ainda que a representação social da união estável procede basicamente de uma ancoragem no casamento, embora se tenha observado também a perpetuação da crença existente no senso comum de que é mais fácil se separar na união estável do que casamento

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ISSN 1577-4430, com fator de impacto, calculado pelo IN-RECS (http://ec3.ugr.es/in-recj/ii/Derecho_Civil-2010.htm), Bases de dados de indexação: LATINDEX, DIALNET, ISOC, COMLUDOC e AGRIS]

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RESUMÉ DE LA THÈSE EN FRANÇAIS La présente recherche se veut être un examen de la première enquête quantitative menée en Suisse sur les paroisses et communautés religieuses. La recherche vise de à appréhender la dynamique institutionnelle du champ religieux de ce pays. En relation avec une enquête similaire menée aux États-Unis (National Congregations Study, Chaves, 2004) la présente recherche analyse les données récoltées auprès d'un échantillon représentatif de plus de mille responsables spirituels des communautés religieuses de Suisse. Dans la perspective de la sociologie des organisations, elle examine le positionnement des communautés dans le champ institutionnel pour comprendre comment elles s'activent pour se maintenir dans la durée. Les communautés, pour assurer leurs services sur le long terme, sont imbriquées dans des structures confessionnelles avec des contraintes administratives diverses selon leur reconnaissance légale. En conséquence, la dynamique du champ religieux institutionnel est différenciée en trois environnements, selon leur degré de reconnaissance, qui demandent des réponses particulières à chacun pour pouvoir s'adapter et perdurer. Ces trois environnements poussent les groupes qui s'y logent à adopter des structures identiques. Pratiquer la religion ensemble, c'est ainsi se rendre dans une communauté avec une forme de rituel et d'engagement des membres correspondant à la reconnaissance du groupe par la société. Même pratiquée fortuitement, la religion collective est loin d'être un acte fortuit. RESUMÉ DE LA THÈSE EN ANGLAIS Practice the religion together Analysis of parishes and religious congregations in Switzerland in a perspective of sociology of organization This research is intended as a review of the first quantitative survey conducted in Switzerland on parishes and religious communities. The research aims to understand the dynamics of institutional religious field in this country. In connection with a similar survey conducted in the U.S. (National Congregations Study, Chaves, 2004) this research examines data gathered from a representative sample of over a thousand spiritual leaders of religious communities in Switzerland. From the perspective of sociology of organization, it examines the position of communities in the institutional field to understand how they are activated to maintain over time. Communities to ensure their services over the long term, are nested within denominational structures with different administrative constraints according to their legal recognition. Consequently, the dynamics of the religious field is differentiated into three institutional environments according to their degree of recognition, which require specific responses to each in order to adapt and endure. These three environments grow groups staying there to adopt identical structures.

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Le présent mémoire est consacré à l'étude de l'obligation faite à l'État canadien de consulter les autochtones lorsqu'il envisage de prendre des mesures portant atteinte à leurs droits et intérêts. On s'y interroge sur le sens que peut avoir cette obligation, si elle n'inclut pas celle de s'entendre avec les autochtones. Notre étude retrace d'abord l'évolution de l'obligation de consulter dans la jurisprudence de la Cour suprême du Canada, pour se pencher ensuite sur l'élaboration d'un modèle théorique du processus consultatif. En observant la manière dont la jurisprudence relative aux droits ancestraux a donné naissance à l'obligation de consulter, on constate que c'est en s'approchant au plus près de l'idée d'autonomie gouvernementale autochtone - soit en définissant le titre ancestral, droit autochtone à la terre elle-même - que la Cour a senti le besoin de développer la consultation en tant que véritable outil de dialogue entre l'État et les Premières nations. Or, pour assurer la participation réelle des parties au processus de consultation, la Cour a ensuite dû balancer leur rapport de forces, ce qu'elle a fait en admettant le manque de légitimité du pouvoir étatique sur les autochtones. C'est ainsi qu'après avoir donné naissance au processus de consultation, la jurisprudence relative aux droits ancestraux pourrait à son tour être modifiée substantiellement par son entremise. En effet, l'égalité qu'il commande remet en question l'approche culturaliste de la Cour aux droits ancestraux, et pourrait l'amener à refonder ces droits dans le principe plus égalitaire de continuité des ordres juridiques autochtones. Contrairement à l'approche culturaliste actuelle, ce principe fait place à la reconnaissance juridique de l'autonomie gouvernementale autochtone. La logique interne égalitaire du processus de consultation ayant ainsi été exposée, elle fait ensuite l'objet d'une plus ample analyse. On se demande d'abord comment concevoir cette logique sur le plan théorique. Ceci exige d'ancrer la consultation, en tant qu'institution juridique, dans une certaine vision du droit. Nous adoptons ici celle de Lon Fuller, riche de sens pour nos fins. Puis, nous explicitons les principes structurants du processus consultatif. Il appert de cette réflexion que l'effectivité de la consultation dépend de la qualité du dialogue qu'elle engendre entre les parties. Si elle respecte sa morale inhérente, la consultation peut générer une relation morale unique entre les autochtones et l'État canadien. Cette relation de reconnaissance mutuelle est une relation de don.

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La prolifération des acteurs non étatiques, favorisée par la mondialisation, est un phénomène marquant de notre histoire contemporaine. Rassemblés sous le vocable de «société civile», ils ont contribué à créer un foisonnement de normes sur le plan international allant, pour certains commentateurs, jusqu'à concurrencer l'État sur sa capacité de dire le droit. Parmi ces acteurs privés, les organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) et les entreprises multinationales jouent un rôle prépondérant. Notre imaginaire collectif oppose cependant trop souvent l'ONG, symbole du désintéressement, à la multinationale assoiffée de profit. Le présent mémoire vise à relativiser ce constat manichéen et simplificateur. En analysant, dans une perspective de droit international, les moyens d'action des ONG et des multinationales, on se rend compte que les passerelles entre les deux «mondes» sont en réalité nombreuses. ONG et multinationales se retrouvent d'ailleurs dans leur aspiration commune à être reconnues formellement sur la scène internationale. L'opportunité d'une reconnaissance juridique de la société civile sera discutée.

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La prolifération des acteurs non étatiques, favorisée par la mondialisation, est un phénomène marquant de notre histoire contemporaine. Rassemblés sous le vocable de « société civile », ils ont contribué à créer un foisonnement de normes sur le plan international allant, pour certains commentateurs, jusqu’à concurrencer l’État sur sa capacité de dire le droit. Parmi ces acteurs privés, les organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) et les entreprises multinationales jouent un rôle prépondérant. Notre imaginaire collectif oppose cependant trop souvent l’ONG, symbole du désintéressement, à la multinationale assoiffée de profit. Le présent mémoire vise à relativiser ce constat manichéen et simplificateur. En analysant, dans une perspective de droit international, les moyens d’action des ONG et des multinationales, on se rend compte que les passerelles entre les deux « mondes » sont en réalité nombreuses. ONG et multinationales se retrouvent d’ailleurs dans leur aspiration commune à être reconnues formellement sur la scène internationale. L’opportunité d’une reconnaissance juridique de la société civile sera discutée.

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Esta investigación ofrece un análisis del reconocimiento jurídico a la desagregación territorial. La primera parte de la investigación giro en torno a la necesidad de caracterizar las tensiones emergentes en el territorio ancestral de los pueblos Camëntsá e Inga con el proyecto de la construcción de la variante San Francisco-Mocoa, en el periodo de 1996 al 2011. La segunda parte analizó las acciones reivindicativas empleadas por los pueblos indígenas Camëntsá e Inga en el marco de su interés por el reconocimiento del derecho al territorio; y finalmente se analizaron los marcos institucionales que explican las tensiones respecto al reconocimiento del territorio entre el Gobierno Nacional y las Autoridades Indígenas de los pueblos Camëntsá e Inga en el departamento del Putumayo.