848 resultados para Italian immigrants


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Esta dissertação aborda o tema da imigração italiana à luz do imaginário daqueles que se dirigiam em massa para o Brasil, entre o final do século XIX e início do XX, em busca de um mundo novo, perseguindo o sonho de um Paraíso Terrestre, o país imaginário da Cocanha. O tema é abordado a partir de obras literárias, como o poema francês, datado do século XIII, o Fabliau da Cocanha e da narrativa Vita e Stòria di Nanetto Pipetta, que apresenta o jovem personagem imigrante clandestino vêneto, criado por Aquiles Bernardi, e cujas aventuras eram publicadas semanalmente em capítulos no jornal gaúcho Stafetta Riograndense, nos anos 1924-1925. A trama vivida pelo personagem que dá título à obra é fio condutor das reflexões apresentadas. Para o imigrante italiano, o imaginário sobre o Brasil como o país da Cocanha encontra neste personagem sua expressão fiel, mantendo acesa a chama da esperança de uma vida melhor para si e para as gerações futuras.

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A tese Marcas Identitárias - presença italiana no sertão da Bahia, insere-se na Linha de Pesquisa Cultura Política do Programa de História Política da UERJ. O tema se define em torno do poder simbólico, práticas culturais e representações, além do confronto de imaginários. A problemática analisada aborda questões vinculadas à imigração italiana no sudoeste da Bahia, em Jequié, no periodo de 1878 a 1910. A presença desses europeus no sertão baiano despertou a atenção para o estudo de um fenômeno histórico pouco explorado pelos estudiosos em imigração, orientados em sua maioria para a imigração no sul do país. A tese destaca questões pontuais sobre as alterações devido à introdução de novas formas identitárias que se confrontaram naquela região sertaneja. Os procedimentos teórico-metodológicos se referem à História Cultural. A análise da questão fundamentou-se em fontes primárias coletadas nos Arquivos de Salvador e de Jequié, além de documentos particulares dos descendentes dos imigrantes italianos residentes naquele Município.

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Este artigo analisa como, com a chegada do imigrante italiano ao interior de São Paulo quando da grande imigração que se deu a partir de meados da década de 1880, teve início uma troca de hábitos alimentares, tanto em meio a esses imigrantes como na sociedade hospedeira. Para tanto, restringimos nosso estudo à cidade de Jaú, uma vez que esse município, no período em questão, recebeu um representativo fluxo de imigrantes italianos.

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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A imigração européia para a região sudeste do país, que foi responsável pela introdução da mão-de-obra assalariada, para atender às necessidades da cultura cafeeira, nas últimas décadas do século XIX e primeiras do século XX, tem sido suficientemente estudada pela historiografia da imigração. O que tem sido explorado em menor grau, é a inter-relação entre a imigração e a reforma sanitária que ocorreu no período. O estado de São Paulo, particularmente, foi palco de uma triste história de imigrantes italianos chegados e expostos à virulência das epidemias. Esse foi o ponto de partida para o início do movimento de reforma da saúde pública. Os fazendeiros consideravam a imigração uma necessidade vital para a economia cafeeira, havendo um consenso bastante forte entre as elites e o governo da necessidade de mostrar ao mundo que o Brasil estava disposto a combater sua má reputação em matéria de saúde pública. O pensamento reformista e a ação elegeramos imigrantes como principal alvo da política de saúde. Desta forma, o presente trabalho apresenta dados sobre essas ações e discute a maneira como os países estrangeiros – particularmente a Itália – enviaram ao Brasil agentes e inspetores, médicos, engenheiros e outros profissionais, no sentido de verificarem as reais condições de vida, de trabalho e de saúde de seus conterrâneos tanto nas áreas rurais como nas urbanas. Um dos fenômenos que resultaram dos esforços dos inspetores sanitários foi a consolidação de um mercado de trabalho para médicos italianos e a abertura de hospitais italianos em São Paulo e outras regiões do estado. O impacto da imigração e a consolidação da profissão médica, afetados pela vinda desses profissionais a São Paulo, são os focos principais deste trabalho.

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This article intends to verify the Fanfulla's action in the dynamic of the political propaganda, as well as the cultural exchanges established with the fascism during 1922-1924. The leading question is insert on the political culture studies concerned with the significance of the fascism spread among the Italian immigrants and his descendants located on the Sao Paulo State. It unfold in others questions: the reason of the Mussolini government pledge to publish those ideas, the themes approached in this propaganda, the reactions it rise, as well on the Italian community, the Brazilian government and political movements. On this issue is included the position of the Brazilian government, on the Brazilian diplomacy or in the repressive agencies toward fascist Italy and the supporters of the fascism. The choice of the newspaper Fanfulla is justified for its position in the historiography, considered the most expressive source for this study, due its longevity, relations with the fascist regime and diffusion on Sao Paulo State.

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In the literature on migration, as well as in social policies regarding this phenomenon, the situation of returning emigrants receives scant attention. This essay establishes an intricate connection between attitudes and policies that prevail in a country regarding emigration and those concerning immigration. The case of Italy provides a prime example for this as it once was a classical country of emigration, only to turn, in recent decades, into a country that appears highly attractive (and relatively accessible) to immigrants. The essay traces the pervasive ambiguity that characterizes this country’s attitudes towards emigration from the beginning of mass emigration shortly after the unification of Italy in 1868 to the emigration policies of the fascist regime of Mussolini and the post-World War II waves of emigration right through to the corresponding ambiguity concerning the status of immigrants in contemporary society, including the indifferent treatment of returning Italian emigrants who constitute a considerable numerical phenomenon. These reflections take their origin from the impending closure of a reception centre in Lazio, the Casa dell’Emigrante near Sant’Elia Fiumerapido, Province of Frosinone, ostensibly for financial reasons. This centre had been the only one of its kind in the whole of Italy dealing officially with the needs of repatriated Italians. It had assisted returning emigrants both with practical matters, such as negotiating the labyrinth of Italian bureaucracy , and with psychological implications of a return, which are often considerable given the time lag of experiences with current social realities and the frequently unrealistic expectations associated with the return. Questions of identity become highly acute in those circumstances. The threatened closure of the centre illustrates the unwillingness of the state to face up to the factual prevalence of migratory experiences in the country as a whole and as a core element of national history, experiences of migration in both directions. The statistics speak for themselves: of the 4.660.427 persons who left Italy between 1880 and 1950, 2.322.451 have returned, almost exactly 50%. To those have to be added 3.628.430 returnees of the 5.109.860 emigrants who left Italy between the end of World War II and 1976 for Europe alone. Attitudes towards people leaving changed ostensibly over time. In the first two decades after Unification parliament on the one hand wanted to show some concern over the fate of its citizens, not wanting to abandon those newly created citizens entirely to their own destiny, while on the other portraying their decisions to emigrate as expressions of individual liberty and responsibility and not necessitated by want and poverty. Emigrants had to prove, paradoxically that they had the requisite means to emigrate when in fact poverty was largely driving them to emigrate. To admit that publicly would have amounted to admission of economic and political failure made evident through emigration. In contrast to that Mussolini’s emigration policies not only enforced large population movements within the territory of Italy to balance unemployment between regions and particularly between North and South, but also declared it citizen’s duty to be ready to move also to the colonies, thereby ‘turning emigration as a sign of social crisis into a sign of national strength and the success of the country’s political agenda’ (Gaspari 2001, p. 34). The duplicity continued even after World War II when secret deals were done with the USA to allow a continuous flow of Italian immigrants and EU membership obviously further facilitated the departure of unemployed, impoverished Italians. With the growing prosperity of Italy the reversal of the direction of migration became more obvious. On the basis of empirical research conducted by one of the author on returning emigrants four types of motives for returning can be distinguished: 1. Return as a result of failure – particularly the emigrants who left during the 1950-1970 period usually had no linguistic preparation, and in any case the gap between the spoken and the written language is enormous with the latter often being insurmountable. This gives rise to nostalgic sentiments which motivates a return into an environment where language is familiar 2. Return as a means of preserving an identity – the life of emigrants often takes place within ghetto-like conditions where familiarity is being reproduced but under restricted conditions and hence not entirely authentic. The necessity for saving money permits only a partial entry into the host society and at the same time any accumulating savings add to the desire to return home where life can be lived fully again – or so it seems. 3. Return of investment – the impossibility to become fully part of another society often motivates migrants to accumulate not so much material wealth but new experiences and competences which they then aim to reinvest in their home country. 4. Return to retire – for many emigrants returning home becomes acute once they leave a productive occupation and feelings of estrangement build up, in conjunction with the efforts of having invested in building a house back home. All those motives are associated with a variety of difficulties on the actual return home because, above all, time in relation to the country of origin has been suspended for the emigrant and the encounter with the reality of that country reveals constant discrepancies and requires constant readjustment. This is where the need for assistance to returning emigrants arises. The fact that such an important centre of assistance has been closed is further confirmation of the still prevailing politics of ambiguity which nominally demand integration from nationals and non-nationals alike but deny the means of achieving this. Citizenship is not a natural result of nationality but requires the means for active participation in society. Furthermore, the experiences of returning immigrants provide important cues for the double ambivalence in which immigrants to Italy live between the demands made on them to integrate, the simultaneous threats of repatriation and the alienation from the immigrants’ home country which grows inexorably during the absence. The state can only regain its credibility by putting an end to this ambiguity and provide to returning emigrants, and immigrants alike, the means of reconstructing strong communal identities.

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Abstract It was in the first decade of the twentieth century that the first white china Factory was implemented in Brazil. Fruit of the association between the Sao Paulo Aristocracy and the Italian Romeo Ranzini, this factory was responsible for producing significant amounts of crockery in industrial moulds in sao Paulo, Brazil. It was also the first factory to produce decorative tiles that would be part of the architecture of the public buildings built between 1919 and 1922 in Commemoration of the Centennial of the Brazilian Independence. Known as The Santa Catharina Factory, this factory was inaugurated in 1913 with the participation of Italian immigrants and German technologies for the development of its first manufacturing activities. As a result of a number of economic, political and social matters that started in the previous century in the city of Sao Paulo, The Santa Catharina factory played an important role in industrial development as regards the production of national white china and was used as a model for the construction of new ceramic factories in Sao Paulo. After acquired by Matarazzo industries in 1927, had closed their activities in 1937. This research is based on the identification and analysis of the first tiles produced in Brazil by the Santa Catharina Factory, which were part of the architectural decorations of the buildings built in Sao Paulo to the celebration of the Centennial of the Brazilian Independence. Designed by Victor Dubugras, The Largo da Memoria (located in the city of Sao Paulo) and the buildings located in the "Paths of the Sea" road marked the beginning of Brazilian industrialization and the emergence of Neocolonial Movement in architecture of Sao Paulo. Studies of the first national patterns of decorative tiles approach a subject poorly researched by experts in tiled studies in Brazil, although in this case these tiles have represented not only an important milestone in the national industrialization, but also have demarcated the significant changes in architectural and decorative practices in the country in the early twentieth century; RESUMÈ: C'est durant la premiere decennie du XXe siecle que la premiere usine de porcelaine blanche fut implant& au Bresil. Elle fut le fruit de l'association entre l'aristocratie de Sao Paulo et l'italien Romeo Ranzini. L'usine produisait une quantite signifiante de porcelaine sur le territoire industriel de Sao Paulo. Ce fut egalement la premiere usine a produire des carreaux decoratifs qui sont aujourd'hui visibles dans l'architecture des batiments publics construit entre 1919 et 1922, pour la commemoration du centenaire de l'independance bresilienne. Connue sous le nom de Santa Catharina, cette usine fut inaugure en 1912. Elle fut construite par des émigrés Italiens, et utilisa pour la technologie allemande pour so production. En tant que resultat d'un certain nombre de questions economiques, politiques et sociales qui ont &butes durant le siecle precedent dans la ville de Sao Paulo, l'usine Santa Catharina a joue un role important dans le developpement industriel de la production de porcelaine blanche nationale et a ete utilise comme modele pour la construction de nouvelles usines de ceramique a Sao Paulo. Apres avoir ete achete par l'industrie Matarazzo en 1927, elle cessa ses activites en 1937. Cette recherche est basee sur l'identification et l'analyse des premiers carreaux decoratifs fabriques au Bresil par l'usine Santa Catharina, qui etait une partie des decorations architecturales des batiments construits a Sao Paulo pour la celebration du centenaire de l'Independance Bresilienne. Connue par Victor Dubugras, le "Largo da Memoria" (situe dans la ville de Sao Paulo), et les batiments situes sur le "Path of the Sea", ont marque le debut de l'industrialisation bresilienne et l'emergence d'un mouvement neocolonialiste dans l'architecture de Sao Paolo. L'etude des premiers modeles nationaux de carreaux decoratifs est un sujet peut etudie par les experts bresiliens, bien qu'ils furent un jalon importante pour l'industrialisation nationale. Its ont egalement entrains des changements importants dans les pratiques architecturales, et decoratives au sein du pays au XXe siecle. Mots-cles: Ceramique - carreaux decoratifs — L'usine Santa Catharina, Bresil - Production de carreaux; RIASSUNTO: Nel primo decennio del Novecento vide luce la prima fabbrica di ceramica di porcellana in Brasile. Frutto dell'associazione tra l'aristocrazia Paulista e l'italiano Romeo Ranzini, questa fabbrica fu responsabile della produzione di notevoli quantita di ceramica di porcellana mediante stampi industriali nella citta di San Paolo, Brasile. Fu anche la prima fabbrica a produrre azulejos che avrebbero poi fatto parte dell'architettura degli edifici pubblici costruiti tra it 1919 ed it 1922, per la commemorazione del Centenario dell'indipendenza Brasiliana. Conosciuta come Fabbrica di Santa Catharina, questa fu inaugurata nel 1913, con la partecipazione di immigrati italiani e con l'impiego di tecnologie tedesche per lo sviluppo delle sue prime attivita produttive. Risultato di una serie di cambiamenti economici, politici e sociali, che ebbero inizio nel secolo precedente nella citta di San Paolo, la Fabbrica di Santa Catharina svolse un ruolo importante nello sviluppo industriale per quanto riguarda la produzione di ceramica di porcellana nazionale e fu adottata come modello per la costruzione di nuove fabbriche a San Paolo. Successivamente, fu acquisita dalle industrie Matarazzo nel 1927, vedendo poi chiudersi le sue attivita nel 1937. Questa ricerca si basa sull'identificazione e l'analisi dei primi azulejos prodotti in Brasile dalla Fabbrica di Santa Catharina che fecero parte delle decorazioni architettoniche degli edifici costruiti a San Paolo per la commemorazione del Centenario dell'indipendenza Brasiliana. Progettati da Victor Dubugras, it Largo da Mem(Via (situato nella citta di San Paolo) e gli edifici che si trovano nei Caminhos do Mar marcarono l'inizio dell'industrializzazione brasiliana e la nascita del Movimento Neocolonial dell'architettura Paulista. Gli studi dei primi modelli di azulejos nazionali affrontano un argomento poco studiato dagli esperti in azulejaria in Brasile, nonostante rappresentino un importante avvenimento dell'industrializzazione nazionale, ma segnano anche i cambiamenti di significative pratiche architettoniche e decorative nel Paese nel primo Novecento. Parole chiave: Ceramica - porcellana - La fabbrica di Santa Catharina - Produzione di ceramica .

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Alors que l’intérêt pour les processus d’intégration des immigrants et des minorités ethniques est en pleine croissance parmi les chercheurs européens, les facteurs qui expliquent les différentes formes de participation civique et politique doivent être examinés plus en profondeur. Prenant pour base la littérature sur l’immigration, cette étude examine la question de recherche suivante: Comment peut-on expliquer les variations des formes de participation civique et politique des activistes issus de l’immigration au niveau local? Afin de répondre à cette question, cette étude identifie les formes de participation de la part d’activistes issus de l’immigration dans quatre villes Italiennes et examine les discours et les pratiques de multiples acteurs impliqués dans le domaine de l’immigration dans un contexte national d’hostilité croissante. Cette thèse soutient que pour comprendre différentes formes de participation, il est important de considérer non seulement l’État et les acteurs institutionnels, mais aussi les acteurs non-institutionnels et examiner comment ces derniers influencent les opportunités ainsi que les restrictions à la participation. Par ailleurs, cette recherche examine les canaux conventionnels et non-conventionnels dans quatre villes italiennes et étudie les activistes issus de l’immigration comme des acteurs politiques pertinents, capables de se mobiliser et d’influencer la participation à travers leur interaction et alliances avec les acteurs de la société d’accueil. Cette recherche a permis de produire trois résultats. Le premier montre que les approches d’intégration adoptées par les acteurs sont importantes. Cette étude a identifié trois approches d’intégration: 1) « welfariste », basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont dans le besoin et doivent donc recevoir des services; 2) interculturelle, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont de futurs citoyens et que l’intégration est réciproque; 3) promotion des droits politiques, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants ont des droits politiques fondamentaux ; et qui encourage l’ouverture des canaux de participation politique, surtout aux immigrants privés du droit de vote local. L’analyse empirique démontre que, alors que l’approche welfariste n’encourage pas la participation parce qu’elle conçoit les immigrants comme des acteurs passifs, les autres deux approches ont respectivement un impact sur les formes de participation civique et politique. La deuxième conclusion souligne le rôle des acteurs de gauche. En particulier, cette étude montre que les acteurs qui ouvrent de canaux pour la participation ne sont pas uniquement les acteurs de gauche modérée, comme les autorités locales, les partis politiques et les syndicats, mais aussi les groupes de gauche radicale et non-institutionnelle. Chaque acteur de gauche comprend et agit différemment par rapport aux sujets de l’immigration et de la participation et ce fait influence comment les activistes issues de l’immigration se mobilisent. La troisième conclusion met en évidence le rôle de la perception des opportunités par les activistes issus de l’immigration et la façon avec laquelle ils s’approprient les discours et les pratiques des acteurs de gauche. Ce travail démontre que l’ouverture de canaux est possible grâce à l’engagement de personnes issues de l’immigration qui agissent à travers les opportunités qui leurs sont offertes, créent des alliances avec la gauche et défient les discours et pratiques des acteurs locaux.

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This essay analyzes the story and the culture of Italian American women, in particular how they are treated in the novel "Umbertina" by Helen Barolini. The essay first introduces briefly the causes of the great migration and the conditions of immigrants in the US. Then the focus moves on the analysis of the main themes that belong to the genre of Italian American literature. After having shortly treated the biography of Helen Barolini and a general presentation of her novel Umbertina, the essay goes on with the description of its three Italian American female characters and, in particular, of what it meant to be both immigrants and women, together with all the interior and generational conflicts they had to face in order to accept their new hybrid identity. An analysis of some meaningful metaphorical objects in the novel, such as the tin heart and the bedspread, the metaphor of Persephone and of the threshold conclude the essay. Through the analysis of the story of Umbertina, this essay wants to show how migration can lead to a displacement and the kind of journey people had to undertake in order to overcome the conflicts deriving from their belonging to an in-between culture and to accept their hybrid identity.

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The book is an in-depth view of recent Italian cinema - bringing an interdisciplinary knowledge to the study of a complex cinema industry. The book aims to address a number of questions about Italian cinema of the last twenty years, bringing interdisciplinary knowledge to a cinema that eschews traditional definitions and categories, and challenges critical assumption about a film industry that is struggling to find a new direction. In doing so, Recent Italian Cinema offers a transverse analysis of the Italian cinema industry in its dealings with national and international production, and of the themes and issues that have emerged in films produced during the period 1980-2006.