998 resultados para Islamic Action Front


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Abstract: Fragile democracy in the Middle East - developing Jordanian democracy through Islam?

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The aim of the paper is to analyse the ongoing transformation process within the Islamist movements using the example of the moderate Islamic Action Front party in Jordan. The dilemma of participation in the 2010 general elections raised tensions between the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan and its political wing, the Islamic Action Front, and between doves and hawks of the same organizations. Internal debate on the future has started recently among different groups within the Islamist movement in Jordan. The research is based on the author‘s recent field experience in Jordan (April–July 2010, Andrew W. Mellon Fellowship at the American Centre of Oriental Research, Amman, Jordan). The author also conducted research in Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Egypt, where several interviews were carried out with leading and lower level Islamist politicians. The dynamic changes within Islamic Action Front Party in Jordan and its relation with the regime has been used as reference point. The main question of the research was aa how the changing political and regional context shapes decisions of the Islamist with special attention to the acceptance of democratic values and human rights, political participation, and the meanings of Islamic values in the 21st century, possible cooperation with secular parties/movements/the regime.

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El objetivo de este estudio de caso es determinar como el discurso de la guerra contra el terrorismo promovido por los EE.UU influyó el conflicto en las Filipinas en su isla de Mindanao; la cual posee la problemática de grupos secesionistas y terroristas islámicos que se les ha señalado de tener conexiones con Al Qaeda. No obstante, han existido diferentes acercamientos entre el gobierno y el Frente Moro de Liberación Islámica para encontrarle una solución al conflicto. La investigación surge con la afirmación de que sí las Filipinas optó por el discurso de la Guerra global contra el terrorismo después de los atentados del 9/11, la negociación de una solución pacífica del conflicto se vería obstaculizada por el aumento de las tensiones entre las partes por las ofensivas militares. Para reafirmar o refutar lo anterior se utilizarán diferentes tipos de evidencias.

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A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo investigar a dinâmica curricular implementada pelo Núcleo de Educação Popular Paulo Freire (NEP), da Universidade do Estado do Pará (UEPA), no contexto hospitalar, especificamente no Pavilhão São José; através da relação com o outro, a relação com o saber no cotidiano da relação pedagógica, as interpretações dadas ao currículo pelas docentes, as alterações de sentidos, do conhecimento e do saber, que contribuem, de forma concreta, para a inclusão e para a ação pedagógica em ambientes hospitalares. Os eixos teóricos que fundamentam esta investigação se voltam para os aspectos do conhecimento e construção do currículo e suas interfaces, mais diretamente a prática do currículo no cotidiano. Através da realidade curricular do Pavilhão São José, podemos conhecer o currículo adotado e interpretado pelas docentes nessa classe hospitalar e como essa proposta vem se materializando enquanto dinâmica curricular. Trabalhamos com a abordagem qualitativa aplicando no estudo de caso realizado no Pavilhão São José da Fundação Santa Casa de Misericórdia do Pará, no período de 2004 até junho de 2005. A coleta de dados foi feita através da entrevista com as duas professoras e a Coordenadora do Projeto de Ensino do NEP, análise documental, tendo sido privilegiados os questionários sócio-antropológicos realizados pelo NEP com os alunos-pacientes ou mães, fichas de atividades das docentes e o Projeto de Ensino do NEP. Os principais resultados apontam para a necessidade de valorização dessa ação educativa frente aos profissionais de saúde e pais, para que os alunos-pacientes a compreendam como caminho para sua escolarização; para os cursos de Formação de Professores reverem o tempo da ação educativa pelo "princípio da simultaneidade de eventos", pela partilha coletiva docente, pela orientação de currículos interdisciplinares e ampliação da cultura popular; para a forma grupal de problematizar os conteúdos articulados em classe, aumentar os relativos à escolarização, visto que essa proposta tem a pretensão de ofertar aos alunos-pacientes o acesso à escola; de buscar estratégias de interação entre os profissionais de saúde e educação; e investigar essa dinâmica curricular de forma mais sistemática e constante para desenvolver o processo educativo em ambiente hospitalar.

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Este estudo propõe uma reflexão sobre o tratamento dado ao imaginário do herói nas campanhas da organização não governamental Greenpeace, em seu site. O corpus de análise foi composto pelos editoriais elaborados para divulgar cada uma de suas frentes de ação: Amazônia, Clima e Energia, Nuclear, Oceano e Transgênicos. Foram ao total cinco editoriais, coletados no dia 18 de abril de 2010. No contexto social, esta ONG está inserida num conflito entre a preservação dos recursos naturais e desenvolvimento industrial e econômico. Além disso, considera-se também a mudança nos paradigmas e valores das relações sociais determinada pelo avanço tecnológico e o consequente surgimento do ciberespaço. O objetivo, portanto, é buscar entender como a relação das ações do Greenpeace com o imaginário do herói beneficia a adesão ao ciberativismo. Para isso usamos a Análise do Discurso da linha francesa como eixo teórico-metodológico, tendo como principais pensadores Patrick Charaudeau e Dominique Maingueneau, cujas ideias ajudaram a examinar a maneira como a linguagem é empregada nesses editoriais, estudando o seu contexto, resultando num discurso ideológico impregnado pelo imaginário do herói. Concluiu-se, que as técnicas discursivas utilizadas nos editoriais auxiliaram na criação do ethos do herói, do bandido e da vítima e que esses elementos valorizam as ações dos Greenpeace elevando a um patamar heróico.

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Portugal hosted in the last thirteen years, two editions of the event European Cultural Capital; this paper intends to illustrate the coverage that Portuguese newspapers (daily newspapers Público, Diário de Notícias, Correio da Manhã and Jornal de Notícias, a weekly newsmagazine Visão and a weekly newspaper Expresso) made, through referrals in front-page and respective developments within the editions, to each of the events and that allows us to define the main moments that marked each of them, patterns of action, the major players, planning and programming types. The European Cultural Capital project elects, from year to year, cities of different EU member states with the main goal of “contributing to bring together the Europe´s people" (words of Mélina Mercouri, Greek Minister of Culture who, in 1985, proposed the launch of this initiative) and encouraging the elected urban space to present new cultural paradigms. In the genesis of this model is the cultural decentralization’s vector, a possibility to medium-sized cities of funding public works, restoring heritage and promoting themselves in touristic terms, of giving visibility to cities away from cultural and creative industries’ major distribution centers. A crucial factor to achieve this goal is media coverage. This paper outline the information that the Portuguese press ran over the two years that elapsed the latest editions of the European Cultural Capital in Portugal, namely that media coverage have deviated from the disclosure of the events’ schedule to suggest itineraries of visit and little or not even question the role that cities, promoting such initiatives, have as places of innovation in terms of cultural policies, artistic production and innovation, in urban and environmental regeneration, in economic revitalization, in training and creating new artists and new audiences and in boosting the confidence of local communities. The content analysis performed to articles shows how press is essential to the promotion of cities as cultural/touristic destinations as it stimulates consumption among residents and attracts visitors, with the possible dire consequence of turning the cultural journalist into an agent of touristic instead of cultural promotion.

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The incorporation of fly ash (FA) in cementitious matrices have been frequently used in order to make the matrix more resistant to the action of chlorides. On the other hand, it is known that Ca (OH)2 existing in the matrix is partially consumed by the pozzolanic reactions, which facilitates the advancement of carbonation. Given that the combined action between carbonation and chloride penetration is a fact little known, we speculate about the behaviour of the matrix in this context. This study investigates the influence of the presence of chlorides on the carbonation in mortars with FA. Samples with 0% and 40% replacement of cement CEM I 42.5 R for FA were molded with water/binder 0.56 and 0.52 respectively. After 90 days of curing the specimens were subjected to cycles of immersion/drying for 56 days. Half of the samples was subjected to the following cycle: two days in a solution containing NaCl (concentration equal to 3.5 %); 12 days in the carbonation chamber (4% of CO2). The other half was: two days in water; 12 days in the carbonation chamber. Then, the development of carbonation was evaluated. The results indicate that the presence of chlorides influences the carbonation. The specimens submitted to the exclusive action of CO2 showed a greater depth of carbonation compared to that presented by the specimens subjected to combined action. This may be related to changes in properties of the matrix which may lead to further refinement of the pores and related to the presence of the salt that can lead to partial filling of the pores and the increase in moisture content.

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The article reopens the file of sources, parallels and rewritings of 1 Cor 2.9, a saying that Paul attributes to some written source, when others sources put it into Jesus' mouth (e.g. GosThom 17). A state of research highlights that the hypothesis of an oral source is generally preferred but an accurate study of 1 Clem 34.8, a parallel too often neglected, supports the presence of a written source that existed before 1 Cor 2.9. GosJud 47.10-13 will help to understand the attribution of the saying to Jesus. The last important part of this article studies its parallel in Islamic traditions, a ḥadīth qudsī.

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This thesis is intended to contribute to critical discussion of the American male hero in mainstream American war and action films post September 11, 2001 . The thesis investigates how these heroes' behaviour echoes a patriotic, conservative construction of the modern American as created through speeches given by George W. Bush in the wake of the events of September 11, 2001 . The thesis examines the hero in six primary sources: the war films We Were Soldiers, Behind Enemy Lines and The Great Raid and the action films Collateral Damage, Man on Fire and The Punisher. By analyzing the ideological subtext, political content, visual strategies and generic implications of the films, as well as the binary constructions of a selection of Bush speeches, and by reviewing historical representations of American male heroes on film produced in the wake of political events, the thesis concludes that the six films mobilize the USA's conservative viewpoint towards war and military action, and in concert with the speeches, contribute to an ongoing militarization of visual culture. Both systems echo a dangerous ideological fantasy of American history, life and patriotism.

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Cette thèse analyse la capacité d’action collective des populations marginalisées situées respectivement dans un bidonville appelé Cité de l’Éternel à Port-au-Prince (Haïti) et dans des campements à la Sierra Santa Catarina, Iztapalapa (Mexico). À Port-au-Prince, avant la chute de la dictature des Duvalier, des «tontons macoutes» envahirent un terrain situé en bordure du quai de la capitale, près du boulevard Harry Truman. Après s’y être installés, ils ont procédé à la vente de parcelles destinées à la construction de logement à des particuliers. Mais après la chute de Jean-Claude Duvalier, en 1986, des gens de la populace en ont profité pour envahir ce qui restait de ces terrains marécageux. Après l’occupation, ils se sont organisés pour défendre collectivement leur propriété avant d’entreprendre, par la suite, des démarches pour y amener des services et obtenir la régularisation de leur situation sur ces territoires. À la Sierra Santa Catarina, des populations conduites par des militants d’un Front populaire ont occupé des terrains situés au pied d’une montagne de sable afin d’accéder à la propriété et de construire leur demeure. À l’instar des populations de la Cité, ces gens se sont organisés pour aménager des espaces, y ériger des logements provisoires, monter la garde afin de ne pas être déguerpis par les forces de police. Tout en travaillant pour accéder à leur manière aux services de base, elles entreprennent des actions auprès des institutions publiques afin d’obtenir la régularisation de leur situation. Par rapport à la capacité d’action collective de ces populations, les théories sociologiques sont divisées. D’un côté, certains auteurs soutiennent la thèse de l’incapacité de ces populations d’avoir des intérêts collectifs et d’agir en conséquence. Selon eux, sans une médiation sociale ou à défaut d’une agrégation et d’une représentation politiques, ces populations sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective. De l’autre, des auteurs pensent qu’à partir des liens d’amitié de parenté et de voisinage, indépendamment de leurs situations socioéconomiques, ces populations peuvent créer des stratégies de subsistance et de luttes qui leur permettent de trouver des solutions à des problèmes tant individuels que collectifs. S’agissant des populations qui envahissent des terrains en milieu urbain pour habiter, les actions de ces gens là sont définis déjà comme une forme d’action collective inscrite dans des rapports sociaux qui se caractérisent par la différenciation entre les groupes sociaux dans l’accès à la propriété. Ainsi, leurs revendications de reconnaissance et de régularisation auprès des instances étatiques sont déterminées par leur mode d’accès aux biens et aux richesses inégalement réparties en Haïti et au Mexique. Les populations des deux territoires ont entrepris diverses démarches auprès de certaines institutions et réalisé des actions collectives soit pour amener des services de base tels que l’eau et l’électricité, soit pour obtenir de l’État la reconnaissance des territoires envahis, c’est-à-dire leur jonction à la cartographie de la ville. Cette reconnaissance implique non seulement l’installation des services réguliers au bénéfice de la population mais aussi l’octroi à chaque propriétaire de son titre de propriété. Si dans le cas de la Sierra Santa Catarina les démarches sont entreprises auprès des institutions publiques, dans celui de Port-au-Prince, ce sont les ONG ou les agence de coopération qui sont touchées et qui fournissent certains services à la population conformément à la priorité de leurs bailleurs de fonds. Les interventions auprès de l’État se font plutôt dans le but d’obtenir une autorisation de fonctionnement d’une association locale. Il ressort des approches théoriques et des actions collectives réalisées par ces populations qu’on ne peut pas dire qu’elles sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective et des intérêts communs sans une agrégation et une représentation politique. À partir de différents liens entre les individus, des associations sont créées lesquelles permettent d’établir une médiation entre les populations et d’autres organismes. Dans le cas des campements, les actions collectives sont certainement mises à contribution par quelques leaders. Cela participe de toute une tradition politique au Mexique. Néanmoins, dans certains campements, des populations parviennent à tenir tête jusqu’à révoquer certains leaders. Au-delà de leur situation socioéconomique, de l’emprise de certains dirigeants de campement, de l’indifférence de l’État (dans le cas de Port-au-Prince, notamment), ces populations font preuve d’une étonnante capacité critique de leur situation tant dans leurs relations avec les dirigeants des associations et des campements que par rapport à l’État. Ceci pourrait soulever des doutes quant à la possibilité qu’elles soient réellement ou inconsciemment manipulées. Cela suggère la possibilité d’actions collectives autonomes de portée critique là où les circonstances le permettent Mots clés : Marginalisation, action collective, reconnaissance, Débrouille, capacité critique, bidonvilles, instrumentalisation politique, reconnaissance fragmentée.

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Este es un estudio sobre las dinámicas de seguridad en Malí durante el periodo de 2009 a 2013. La investigación busca explicar de qué manera se ha dado un proceso de securitización de los grupos insurgentes frente a la amenaza generada por la proliferación de grupos armados no estatales en el territorio comprendido entre Malí y Níger. Se toma a Níger con el ánimo de ver la existencia de un subcomplejo regional de seguridad entre este país y Malí. De esta manera se afirma que el aumento de las actividades insurgentes y terroristas en la zona compuesta por Malí y Níger se da por la proliferación de actores armados no estatales, entre los cuales se encuentran los grupos seculares e insurgentes Tuareg, las agrupaciones islamistas fundamentalistas y los grupos que se componen entre rebeldes Tuareg, criminales e islamistas, éstos actores han afectado la percepción que tiene Malí sobre su seguridad.

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Community educators have long known the value of direct experience in the learning process. Participatory action research extends this philosophy to the realm of research. This article examines the value of involving front line camp staff, members of the camp community in Appalachia as practitioner researchers with university scientists in studying the type and conditions of transformative learning in young adult camp staff. A young adult who was a camp community member assisted the researchers with methodology, data analysis, data interpretation, and dissemination of findings. This resulted in a more accurate, richer, and thicker description of the camp community member’s transformative learning experience. The benefits of involving practitioner researchers are examined, as well as promising practices for conducting participatory action research in community education environments.

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Threats linked to Islamic fundamentalism have been hanging over Central Asia for almost two decades. Many believe that militant Islam has played a significant part in each major political crisis in the region, and Central Asia is perceived as an almost perfect environment for its further development. Such a picture of this region is a result of serious abuses and manipulations. The real threat posed by militant Islam seems to be rather limited, and its roots lie outside Central Asia. This region is unlikely to become a key front of global jihad. Nevertheless, this does not guarantee peace and safety in Central Asia, as the Islamic threat remains an element of the geopolitical rivalry in the region – the ‘New Great Game’.