932 resultados para Integration policy


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Increasing ethnic diversity and whether or not it impacts on trust are highly debated topics. Numerous studies report a negative relationship between diversity and trust, particularly in the US. A growing body of follow-up studies examined the extent to which these findings can be transferred to Europe, but the results remain inconclusive. Moving beyond the discussion of the mere existence or absence of diversity effects on trust, this study is concerned with the moderation of this relationship: It addresses the neglected role of subnational integration policies influencing diversity’s impact on trust. Empirical tests not only indicate that integration policies moderate the relationship, but also suggest that the influence of policies varies substantively according to the specific policy aspect under consideration.

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The ongoing European integration has increased the economic growth of participating national economies. Calculating the cumulative gains in the real gross domestic product per capita resulting from the integration of Europe between 1992 and 2012, every national economy under consideration realized income gains from the European integration. Denmark and Germany saw the greatest gains per resident. If the values from only 1992 and 2012 are compared, every country except for Greece has been able to achieve a higher per capita income due to the European integration.

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This contribution argues that although the UK and Germany have different historical traditions of immigration and integration, which continue to define policy responses in specific areas, recent developments show a distinct convergence in each country's policy goals and adopted policy instruments in this sector. It contends that both endogenous (demographic and skills shortages, integration deficits) and exogenous (influx of asylum seekers, terrorism) variables can be identified for this convergence. It also pinpoints the European Union as a growing source both of convergence and policy coordination in this field.

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this paper is about EU “soft policies” on immigrant integration. It analyzes the “Common Basic Principles” (CBPs) and the “European Integration Fund” (EIF), two devices that have been recently established within this framework. It adopts the theoretical perspective of the “anthropology of policy” and “governmentality studies”. It shows the context of birth of the aforementioned devices, as well as their functioning and the assessment done by the actors implied in the elaboration/implementation/evaluation of the related policies. It is based both on documentary research as well as direct observation and interviews done to the actors implied. It concludes that the PBC and the EIF should be considered as a “technology of government”, that strives to align the conduct of the actors with the governmental aims, as well as it produces specific practices and knowledge. It also underlines an intrinsic feature of many policies: their “congenital failure”, since they are (often) disputed and resignified by situated actors, who are embedded in asymmetrical power relations.

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The Act that established the Greater London Authority (GLA) incorporated many of New Labour's aspirations for modern governance. Among those aspirations was the notion of policy integration, or 'joining up'. The Mayor of Greater London was required to develop a number of strategies, broadly in the planning and environmental policy domains, and to ensure that those strategies meshed into a coherent overall strategy for promoting London's economic, social and environmental well-being. How would this work in practice, given the need for coordination between the GLA and a number of related functional bodies, and given the political imperative for the GLA to make an impact quickly? Through our analysis of the strategy development and integration efforts of the GLA in its first nine months, we have gleaned new insights into the highly complex and difficult process of policy integration. We argue that the high aspirations of the Act for policy integration have not been met, policy integration instead being narrowly interpreted as the coordination of strategies to the Mayor's political agenda. Finally,we reflect on the likelihood of the GLA, as currently constituted, evolving to meet the functional requirement of policy integration.

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Legacy of the Finnish Civil War. White nationalism in a local community - content, supporters and disintegration in Iisalmi 1918 - 1933. Using one local community (Iisalmi) as an example, this study centres around the winners of the 1918 Finnish Civil War, exploring their collectivity its subsequent breakdown during 1918 - 1933. Referring to this collectivity by the methodological concept of white nationalism, the thesis first discusses its origin, content and forms. This is done by elucidating the discourses and symbols that came to constitute central ideological and ritualistic elements of white nationalism. Next, the thesis describes and analyzes fundamental actors of the Finnish civil society (such as White Guard and Lotta Svärd) that maintained white nationalism as a form of counter or parallel hegemony to the integration policy of the 1920s. Also highlighted is the significance of white nationalism as a power broker and an instrument of moral regulation in inter-war Finnish society. A third contribution of this thesis involves presenting a new interpretation of the legacy of the Civil War, i.e., the right-wing radicalism during the years 1919 - 1933. I shall describe attempts of the extreme right (Lapua Movement and IKL, Patriotic People s Movement) to use the white nationalism discourse as a vehicle for their political ambitions, as well as the strong counter-reaction these attempts induced among other middle-class groups. At the core of this research is the concept of white nationalism, whose key elements were the sacrifice of 1918, fatherland under threat and warrior citizenship. Winners of the civil war strove to blend these ideals into a homogenized culture, to which the working class and wavering members of the middle-class were coaxed and pressurized to subscribe. The thesis draws on Anglo-American symbol theories, theory of social identity groups, Antonio Gramsci s concept of cultural hegemony and Stuart Hall s approach to discourse and power.

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La integración económica ha demostrado como avanza en todo el mundo a un ritmo sin precedentes. Por ejemplo, según el último informe de la OMC en 2008, habían sido notificados a esta institución 386 acuerdos comerciales de los cuales 197 eran operativos. Vale indagar sobre la forma en que Colombia se ha desenvuelto frente a esta tendencia durante los años recientes. En ese orden, la presente investigación pretende, a partir de los antecedentes de la integración comercial colombiana registrados antes del año 2002, hacer una lectura de sus avances y desafíos. En breve, el texto se ocupará de establecer el alcance de la Política de Integración Comercial colombiana durante el periodo 2002-2008 en términos de ampliación del acceso preferencial a mercados derivado de la implementación de acuerdos comerciales con América y Europa.

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La actuación de Venezuela en la Unión de Naciones Sudamericanas ―Unasur― puede entenderse a partir del análisis de la política de integración venezolana y del lugar de Unasur en el discurso político de su gobierno, desde la creación de la Comunidad Sudamericana de Naciones ―CSN―, embrión de Unasur,hasta el 2012. La política de integración permite identificar sus intereses y si estos convergen o divergen de los de un actor clave en Unasur: Brasil. El discurso muestra las ideas que inspira esa política y ayuda a evaluar en qué medida han sido incorporadas a Unasur. Ambos elementos arrojan luz acerca de la evolución institucional del proyecto de integración sudamericana y de algunos cambios de visión que se observan en la actualidad.