Ideologia e desindividuação nas veredas da Halbbildung: um entendimento básico ao fenômeno da indústria cultural

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Arquitectura industrial tabacalera en la España peninsular: secaderos y fábricas

La Arquitectura industrial del tabaco en España está representada por dos tipos de construcciones, que corresponden a las dos fases en las que se divide el proceso de producción del tabaco: los secaderos (arquitectura bioclimática donde se realiza el secado), y las fábricas (centros donde se elabora el tabaco procedente de los secaderos). Las fábricas se repartieron por todo el territorio español, ocupando preferiblemente los lugares costeros, aunque existen casos en los que su localización obedecía a razones políticas. Estos edificios, en su mayoría, incluidos en los centros históricos de las ciudades, han cambiando de uso, y las antiguas fábricas de tabaco se han transformado en su mayoría, en centros de cultura, o centros sociales y representativos. La tesis surge del análisis de las características constructivas de la arquitectura industrial del tabaco: de los secaderos y de las fábricas, por tratarse de una tipología con suficiente entidad y un ejemplo de arquitectura bioclimática de producción en el caso de los secaderos, y por conseguir haberse adaptado a otros usos en el caso de las fábricas. La arquitectura de producción emplea un lenguaje acorde con los avances de la industrialización, anticipando materiales y estructuras, y condensando en una tipología específica las complejas relaciones establecidas entre producto, hombres y espacio. Estos edificios tuvieron una extensa implantación en el territorio, y se caracterizan por una serie de valores tecnológicos, arquitectónicos, sociológicos y paisajísticos, que hacen de ellos un documento de primera magnitud para conocer: la evolución e implantación de las técnicas constructivas (materiales y estructuras), los procesos de innovación tipológica y la estructura económica y procedimientos técnicos utilizados. El territorio en el que se insertan constituye su contexto territorial, por lo que no sería adecuado considerar estos edificios como elementos aislados, sin analizar la relación con el entorno en el que se generaron. Por este motivo, se analizan las condiciones higrotérmicas ambientales de los secaderos para compararlas con las de confort humano y establecer relaciones y parámetros compatibles. Los ejemplos analizados de secaderos son todos de fábrica. El uso del ladrillo como módulo principal para la elaboración de un edificio, supone la consideración de un “grado cero” de todo el aparato constructivo y compositivo de la arquitectura. Dejar el ladrillo visto, supone hacer explícitos todos los procesos acumulativos. Este elemento mínimo, permite unas posibilidades enormemente abiertas, pero no absolutamente aleatorias, que definen su propia lógica combinatoria. La exigencia de sinceridad, característica de la arquitectura industrial, en la exposición de los materiales, exhibiéndolos en su propia naturaleza y en el modo real de ser utilizados, se hace patente en este tipo de construcción. Se realiza un estudio de permeabilidad en las fachadas de los secaderos, para determinar el grado de ventilación y su relación con la orientación, el patrón de celosía empleado y el volumen total. Este sistema de acondicionamiento climático específico, puede servir de recurso a otras construcciones, por lo que se podría trasladar el sistema constructivo y formal de los secaderos a otros usos, desde una doble vertiente: Arquitectura para la adaptación climática al entorno. Arquitectura como generadora de condiciones climáticas específicas, en el interior. La utilidad de los secaderos es fundamentalmente: proporcionar sombra, ventilación y un espacio cubierto, pero permeable en sus fachadas. La arquitectura industrial debe ser reconocida dentro del conjunto patrimonial, debido a sus características propias que permiten su diferenciación del resto de la arquitectura. Conocer la estructura productiva permite analizar correctamente estas construcciones, ya que el programa inicial es básico para entender la organización del espacio interior. Las fábricas no se situaron cerca de las zonas de producción del tabaco, excepto en dos casos: Cádiz y Palazuelo, en los que existen secaderos y campos de cultivo de hoja de tabaco en las áreas cercanas. La principal causa de esta separación es que el proceso de obtención de tabaco es un proceso dividido en dos fases principales: proceso primario y proceso secundario. En el proceso primario la hoja de tabaco se seca en los secaderos, en los que es determinante el clima, pero únicamente en el caso del secado del tabaco al aire. En el proceso secundario sin embargo, el tabaco llega previamente tratado a las fábricas, por lo que no influye el clima en esta parte del proceso. Esta razón determina que en las áreas climáticas donde se centra el estudio, haya zonas en las que existen fábrica y secaderos y otras en las que únicamente existe fábrica, o sólo secaderos. La localización de las fábricas atendía a razones de muy diferente índole, las más importantes fueron: geográficas, estratégicas, y políticas. En la mayoría de las fábricas la elección de la ciudad de emplazamiento estaba ligada a la recepción de la materia prima, que principalmente se hacía por vía marítima, o acuática (el caso de Sevilla), y por vía terrestre, utilizando como medio de transporte el ferrocarril. Sólo dos casos, de las antiguas fábricas, corresponden a razones políticas, son las dos únicas que no están en la costa: Madrid y Logroño. La de Madrid se construyó por centralidad política, y porque geográficamente ocupaba el punto central de todas las comunicaciones terrestres por carretera y ferrocarril. Muchas de las fábricas se situaron cercanas a las estaciones de ferrocarril. La de Logroño atendió, sin embargo, a razones políticas. Para finalizar, se realiza un estudio comparativo de las fábricas de Sevilla, Madrid y San Sebastián. Las razones que justifican esta elección son: - La de Sevilla fue históricamente la primera fábrica y la más importante. - La de Madrid fue la más importante a nivel administrativo, la sede de Tabacalera se instaló en la capital, y después de la de Sevilla, fue la que sirvió de modelo al resto de las fábricas. - La de San Sebastián era la más grande del Norte. Los análisis que se han realizado son de: volumen y superficies de patios, superficies de cubierta, permeabilidad o huecos en fachadas, orientación y soleamiento de patios, distribución espacial interior y organización, y evolución de usos. Podemos observar que en la mayoría de estas fábricas ha habido una transformación en el uso, pasando de ser edificios industriales a edificios culturales. Estas construcciones se pueden considerar como infraestructuras adaptables, por ser útiles, sostenibles y funcionales. ABSTRACT The Spanish industrial architecture of tobacco is represented by two construction types that correspond to the two phases of tobacco production: the drying sheds (bioclimatic constructions where the drying process takes place) and factories (centres where tobacco is processed after the drying process). The factories were distributed throughout the Spanish territory, preferably occupying coastal locations, although some of them were located elsewhere following political reasons. Most of the buildings inside city centres have suffered changes in their use, becoming cultural, social or representative centres. This thesis attempts the analysis of the constructive systems employed in tobacco industrial architecture, from drying sheds to factories. The drying sheds are an example of bioclimatic industrial architecture. The factories are a typology that have successfully adapted to new uses. Industrial architecture uses a language that follows the advances in industrialization, anticipating new materials and structures, and merging the complex relationships established among products, human beings, space and locations. These buildings were promoted extensively in the country. They are characterized by technological architectural sociological and landscaping innovations. They are considered as important examples of the evolution and the implementation of construction techniques (building materials and structures). They are also considered as examples of innovation in the building typology, in their economic structure and in the technologies that they have applied. The settings in which the drying sheds are placed have an important influence in them. They cannot be considered as isolated elements. Instead, there is a close relationship between drying sheds and the surroundings in which they are located. Drying sheds’ hygrotermal and environmental conditions are analyzed in this thesis to compare them with the values of human comfort and find suitable relationships and parameters. All the drying sheds that have been analyzed are constructed with brick. This implies a consideration of “zero degree” for both the construction and the composition of the architectural process. The detailing - entails making all the accumulative processes explicit as the brick walls are left exposed. This minimal component allows a wide range of options that are never random but based on the logic of the way in which it is combined. The “sincerity” in the exposition of material, displaying them in their very nature and showing how they are really used, is a basic characteristic of industrial architecture, and it is even more expressive in these types of buildings. The walls of the drying sheds undergo a permeability assessment in order to determine the degree of ventilation and orientation, the lattice pattern used and the overall volume. This specific conditioning system can serve as a resource for other buildings, and consequently, it could be transferred to other uses within a two-pronged approach: -Climatically adapted architecture that takes into account the surroundings. -Architecture as a generator of specific climatic conditions indoors. Drying sheds’ main purposes / aims deal with how to provide shade, ventilation and a covered space as well as permeability. The industrial architecture must be recognized as historical valuable buildings due to its intrinsic and distinctive characteristics. Knowing the productive structure, allow us to make a proper analysis of these buildings, since the basic aim, is to understand the spatial organization indoors. Factories did not come close to the tobacco production, with the exception of Cádiz and Palazuelo, where there are sheds and tobacco croplands nearby. The main reason for this separation is that the process of obtaining tobacco has two processes: the primary process and the secondary process. In the primary process tobacco leaves are left to dry. In the secondary process, previously manufactured tobacco allocated in the factories where the weather conditions are not important. This fact determines that in the climate areas where this study tales place there are some cases in which we can find both factories and drying sheds, and others where there are either factories or drying sheds only. The location of these factories met various demands, being the most outstanding the ones related to geographic, strategic and political reasons. In most factories the choice of its location was often linked to the incoming of raw goods, mainly delivered through waterways –it is the case of Seville,) and by land, using railways. The location of the factories was linked to political reasons in only two cases Madrid and Logroño, which are the only ones that are not placed near the coast. The one in Madrid was built due to its political centrality and because geographically speaking, it was the reference landmark of means of land and rail transports. Many factories, in fact, were settled nearby rail stations. For the factory in Logroño, only political reasons were taken into consideration. I should like to close by undertaking a comparative study of factories in Seville, Madrid and San Sebastian. There are a number of reasons to substantiate this choice: -The factory in Seville was historically speaking the first that was built and the most important one. -The factory in Madrid was the most important one administratively. This factory was the headquarters as well as being, after Seville, the one which provided a model for other factories. -The factory in San Sebastian is the biggest in the North of Spain. The analysis carried out are related to the volume of the buildings and the surface areas of the courtyards, the surface of the roofs, the permeability of the walls and the openings of the façade, the orientation and the sun exposure, the indoor spatial distribution and organization and evolution of the uses (formerly and currently) I observe that in most of these factories there has been a change in the use of the buildings, from industrial cultural purposes. These buildings can be considered as adaptable infrastructures based on a combination of architectural practicability, sustainability and functionality.

[B_Zalla_Bolunburu] Documentación Geométrica de la Ferrería Bolunburu (Zalla, Bizkaia)

[ES] El conjunto de dos edificios divididos en varias estancias, un canal de captación de aguas y un puente, todo ello arruinado. Los muros aún se mantienen en pie aunque ya no quedan restos de los tejados ni del mobiliario, maquinaria o decoración.

En búsqueda de una industria perdida : : estudio de la vajilla cerámica de Mendoza entre 1950 y 1990

Entre 1950 y 1990, la fabricación seriada de cerámica mendocina era de consumo popular. Su producción era artesanal y semi-industrial fabricándose, mayormente, objetos de adorno. Muchos establecimientos incorporaban algunos utilitarios relacionados a la vajilla; aproximadamente el 40% hacía juegos de té y café; pero sólo un pequeño porcentaje se dedicaba principalmente a la fabricación de vajilla, con una producción más completa. Luego del relevamiento de las piezas y a partir de la reconstrucción del contexto, se realizó un análisis formal, funcional y tecnológico, detectándose dos tendencias en cuanto al aspecto formal y diseño utilizado.

Património industrial e turismo cultural: contributo para a criação de um itinerário turístico no Centro Histórico de Lisboa

Trabalho de Projecto apresentado para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Práticas Culturais para os Municípios

A interação cultural : estudo de caso em uma empresa coreana no distrito industrial de Manaus

Trata-se de um estudo sobre a cultura organizacional em uma empresa coreana, a Samsung Eletrônica Amazônia S.A,. afiliada da Samsung Corporation, implantada no Distrito Industrial de Manaus, Estado do Amazonas, a partir de 1986, atraída pelos incentivos da Zona Franca de Manaus. A partir de uma pesquisa extensa, realizada em junho de 2001, pelo Setor de Recursos Humanos da empresa, foram selecionadas vinte e seis matrizes cujos resultados comprov_ lm a principal hipótese do trabalho: a de que a cultura da empresa pode ser a responsável pelos problemas existentes em sua área de produção, interferindo na qualidade de seus produtos. Das conclusões da pesquisa, portanto, infere-se que os dirigentes da empresa, todos coreanos, entram em choque com a cultura dos empregados na linha de produção, todos de naturalidade amazonense. Assim, os problemas entre essas duas culturas interferem negativamente em todos os indicadores da pesquisa, a saber: identidade, comunicação, liderança, percepção e interação.

Bauhaus: uma contribuição pedagógica para a produção industrial, artística e cultural

This work intends to study the Bauhaus school, analyzing their fundamentals, objectives, proposals, methodology and contribution to the development of industrial production today.

Jewish labor in U.S.A. : an industrial, political and cultural history of the Jewish labor movement, 1914-1952 /

Includes bibliographical references (p. 449-457).

Are country and cultural values interchangeable? : a case example using occupational stress and coping

Cross-cultural research in occupational stress and coping has produced a wealth of knowledge. Although advancement has been made, there are still problems to be solved. One of these problems is the confusion generated in the literature by researchers claiming nation or country as representing cultural values, and the use of the two terms interchangeably. It remains unclear whether this practice is correct. The present paper reported on this by using 511 full time employees from Australia, Singapore and Sri Lanka to study occupational stress and coping. Results revealed that cultural value paradigm (i.e., Individualism-Collectivism) was distributed across the three nations, such that over 60% of participants across the three nations were either high or low in both I-C paradigms. The findings also indicated that the relationship between cultural value paradigm and country impacted on stress and coping differently. The study shows that significant differences exist within country, as well as between countries, such that any attempt to equate ‘culture’ with ‘country’ becomes problematic. Therefore, these findings establish that country or nation was not the same as culture values and could not be used interchangeably.

Industrial Relations: Proceedings from the 1999 Australasian Drama Studies Association Conference

These papers were presented at “Industrial Relations”, the Australasian Drama Studies Association conference hosted by Theatre & Teaching Studies in the Academy of the Arts, Queensland University of Technology, from the 5th to the 9th of July, 1999. Conference delegates included scholars and artists from across the tertiary education and professional theatre sectors, including, of course, many individuals who work across and between both those worlds. More than a hundred delegates from Australia, New Zealand, England, Belgium and Canada attended the week’s events, which included: • Over sixty conference papers covering a variety of topics from project reports to academy/industry partnerships, theatre history, audience reception studies, health & safety, cultural policy, performance theory, theatre technology and more; • Performances ranging from drama to dance, music and cabaret; • Workshops, panel discussions, forums and interviews; • Keynote addresses from Wesley Enoch, Josette Feral and Keith Johnstone; and • A special “Links with Industry” day, which included the launch of ADSA’s “Links with Industry” brochure, an interview between Mark Radvan and David Williamson, and a panel session featuring Jules Holledge, Zane Trow, Katharine Brisbane, John Kotzas, Gay McAuley and David Watt.

From cultural to creative industries : theory, industry, and policy implications

Across post-industrial societies worldwide, the creative industries are increasingly seen as a key economic driver. These industries - including fields as diverse as advertising, art, computer games, crafts, design, fashion, film, museums, music, performing arts, publishing, radio, theatre and TV - are built upon individual creativity and innovation and have the potential to create wealth and employment through the mechanism of intellectual property. Creative Industries: Critical Readings brings together the key writings - drawing on both journals and books - to present an authoritative and wide-ranging survey of this emerging field of study. The set is presented with an introduction and the writings are divided into four volumes, organized thematically: Volume 1: Concepts - focuses on the concept of creativity and the development of government and industry interest in creative industries; Volume 2: Economy - maps the role and function of creative industries in the economy at large; Volume 3: Organization - examines the ways in which creative institutions organize themselves; and Volume 4: Work - addresses issues of creative work, labour and careers This major reference work will be invaluable to scholars in economics, cultural studies, sociology, media studies and organization studies.

Developing a creative cluster in a post-industrial city : the Creative Industries Development Service (CIDS) and Manchester

This article takes the establishment and demise of Manchester’s Creative Industries Development Service (CIDS) as an exemplary case study for the ways in which creative industry policy has intersected with urban economic policy over the last decade. The authors argue that the creative industries required specific kinds of economic development agencies that would be able to act as “intermediaries” between the distinct languages of policymakers and “creatives.” They discuss the tensions inherent in such an approach and how CIDS attempted to manage them and suggest that the main reason for the demise of the CIDS was the domination of the “economic” over the “cultural” logic, both of which are present within the creative industries policy discourse.