999 resultados para Indian media


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This book explores the transformation of Indian media in the context of two major developments: globalisation (which Sociologist Anthony Giddens terms as being ‘revolutionary’) and advances in communication technologies. It is rich in empirical details of how the Indian media has evolved in the past two decades, particularly in the context of potential to transform, construct and nurture particular identities in response to globalisation. The study of the transformation of Indian media is significant because not only has globalisation allowed access to a host of things hitherto represented as ‘foreign’ to Indian culture by the media, but it has also opened the floodgates for foreign media.

Adopting a multi-disciplinary approach, this book looks at the role of media in purveying political, economic and cultural identities, the current definitions of ‘we’, ‘they’, and the ‘other’, and how the ‘other’ is perceived in contemporary India. The discussions cover all forms of media, that is, newspaper, films, radio, television and online media, along with media policy and other economic challenges facing the media.

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At a time when circulation of newspapers in the USA, Europe and other developed countries, making some media expert declare that ‘newspapers are dying? (Greenslade 2008), the Indian print media industry has been bucking the trend in the past decade. According to the World Association of Newspapers’ report Indian newspaper sales increased by 35.51 per cent in the five year period between 2003 and 2007. The Indian Media and Entertainment sector is said to be twice as profitable as its global counterparts, according to an analysis of 37 publicly traded Indian companies whose gross profits grew by 31 per cent between 2003 and 2007 (Press Council of India 2008). Overall, in 2008, about 100 million copies of newspapers were sold in India (WAN 2008), whereas according to National Readership Survey as many as 222 million readers read an Indian newspaper in 2006 (Press Council of India 2008). This expansion of newspaper readership is at a time when television viewership and radio listener numbers too are rapidly multiplying in India. This paper takes a critical look at the reasons for this expansion in India, at a time when online media seems to be threatening the survival of newspapers in more advanced economies. The paper discusses current trends and strategies employed by media proprietors to maintain and expand their market share in a competitive environment. The paper also raises questions about the quality of journalism, and whether it is being compromised in these times of boom, in a rush to make money from this ‘sunrise industry’ in India.

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This book makes a new and significant argument that Indian news media is no longer just an observer but an active participant in the events that direct the nation. It explores the changing role of Indian news media and their performance in the past 25 years by closely examining media coverage of some landmark events within the context of India’s globalising polity, which has led to privatisation, widespread engagement with new communication technologies, and the rise of individualism. The challenges of globalisation have caused significant changes in news processes and procedures, which this volume details by examining media’s coverage of events and issues such as paid news, anti-graft movement, sting journalism, Delhi gang-rape protest, politics-media nexus and neo-liberalism’s impact on the industry’s performance.
The book places Indian media’s evolution in the context of economic, political and sociological developments in the country. It takes a multi-disciplinary approach to evaluate reportage in a multitude of media platforms. The theoretical exploration of the changes in the Indian media landscape draws from academic disciplines of ‘media studies’, ‘journalism,’ ‘cultural studies’ and ‘sociology’. This book follows the authors’ earlier work, titled Indian Media in a Globalised World (SAGE/2010).

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The media in a number of Western countries, including Australia, could be forgiven for envying the growth of the Indian media in recent decades. In contrast to more mature media markets in Australia and elsewhere, the Indian media is surviving the onslaught of new media technologies including social media platforms available to news audiences as an alternative to traditional news media. However, despite the omnipresence and diversity of over 800 television channels, over 94,000 publications and hundreds of radio stations, the ‘commercial’ imperative of Indian news media has raised doubts about their capacity to meet the ‘ideals’ of the public sphere. This paper examines the Indian public sphere in terms of citizens’ increasing use of various social media platforms to express their anger, frustration and protest against the system of governance and corruption. It analyses the use of social media platforms by mainstream media, socio-political organisations and audiences alike during recent events such as the Mumbai terror attack in 2008; the anti-corruption movement in 2011; protests against a lack of safety for women in 2012–13; and the federal elections in 2014; to understand the implications for the public sphere in India. The paper outlines interplay between the mainstream media’s coverage of some of these significant events, and the audience conversations pertaining to these news events on various social media platforms. It explores the increased utilisation of social media platforms by youth and the middle class, who have often remained disengaged with governance in the country, as a sign of deepening democracy and widening public sphere in India, despite the ‘digital divide’ that still exists in the country.

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The year 2011 was memorable for many in India – for those who participated in numerous anti-corruption protests, and for those who witnessed these protests via all pervasive mainstream news media. This paper will use inter-media agenda-setting discourse to explain the Indian media’s coverage of the so-called ‘Anna movement’. It will outline how the use of mobile and social media platforms by the ‘India Against Corruption’ organisers and the educated middle class influenced the mainstream media’s coverage of the protests. The paper will consider the implication of this coverage, in the light of the unique position of power the Indian news media has in this transitioning society.

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This chapter provides a snapshot of politicians and mainstreammedia’s engagement on social media platforms, particularly Twitter. The chapter, based on preliminary analysis, explores the extent to which some of the political parties relied on social media as a vehicle for their conversation with their followers, and the mainstream media’s opportunistic utilisation of this free-for-all information source to know what is happening on the ground. The chapter also points to a nexus between the politicians, mainstream media and social media during the 2014 General Election campaign in India.

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Thanks to Bollywood, a Non-Resident Indian (NRI) is predominantly imagined, back home in India, as super-rich, fully westernized in manners and doing India proud in foreign lands. One reason for this as explained by renowned Bollywood producer-director Late Yash Chopra, in his address at the first Pravasi Bharatiya Divas (Expatriate Indians Day) in 2003, is that as a director he is also working as a ‘historian’ and carrying on his shoulders the ‘moral responsibility [ … ] to depict India [and the Indian Diaspora] at its best’. In this regard, Ghassan Hage also notes that the ‘last thing’ the migrants (particularly men) would like to share with their families back home is shocking stories about racism, discrimination or prejudices that they may have experienced in public or the workplace. Such a revelation would obviously be followed by ‘why did you make us suffer and move to the end of the world just to get demeaned and insulted?’ Hage further notes that therefore the migrants’ familial and class experiences, be it in films, literature or even some sociological studies, are often ‘portrayed as a positive experience’ and this is ‘how the whole migratory enterprise continues to legitimise itself’'. It could be argued that this is one of the reasons the alleged ‘racist’ attacks against Indian students received so much attention in the Indian media. It was not just discrimination but the notion of discrimination and second class treatment (based on skin colour and origin) against the revered and much envied diasporic Indian that created such a media furor in India.

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Increased competition and shrinking budgets have forced public service broadcasters around the world to reconsider their role. Doordarshan, India’s public service television network, shares the problems faced by its counterparts in more developed countries. Although it continues to enjoy the luxury of being the only television network broadcasting its programs from within national boundaries, it has had to change its policies and programming to compete with foreign television channels including Murdoch’s Star TV. However, it is the Indian audience that has benefited most from this competition from the skies in the form of improved quality and quantity of programs. This paper reports on an audience survey carried out in India earlier this year to gauge television viewers’ perception of these benefits. The paper also gives background on the developments in thetelevision industry in India.

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In the early part of 2008, a major political upset was pulled off in the Southeast Asian nation of Malaysia when the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (National Front), lost its long-held parliamentary majority after the general elections. Given the astonishingly high profile of political bloggers and relatively well established alternative online new sites within the nation, it was not surprising that many new media proponents saw the result as a major triumph of the medium. Through a brief account of the Hindraf (Hindu Rights Action Force) saga and the socio-political dissent nursed, in part, through new media in contemporary Malaysia, this paper seeks to lend context to the events that precede and surround the election as an example of the relationship between media and citizenship in praxis. In so doing it argues that the political turnaround, if indeed it proves to be, cannot be considered the consequence of new media alone. Rather, that to comprehensively assess the implications of new media for citizenship is to take into account the specific histories, conditions and actions (or lack of) of the various social actors involved.