Símbolos helenísticos del poder en la concepción imperial de Calígula

Abstract: The way of exercising power of the Roman Princeps Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, better known by his agnomen Caligula, was largely driven by a different pattern of behavior of that promoted by his predecessors Augustus and Tiberius. Through a kind of ritualized acts, these princeps sought to show respect for the traditional social order and appear only as a primus inter pares among Roman aristocrats. As we can see, in this matter the young Gaius caused a radical change on imperial politics. From the valuation of a series of symbols and actions with strong symbolic connotations, in this work we will attempt to show that such a change was, in part, consequence of a new conception of the imperial power displayed by Caligula. The essence of such conception we must search it in the complex corpus of ideas that came to Rome from the pars orientis of the Roman Empire and based important aspects of the power of the Hellenistic Monarchies

Sofistas e filósofos na administração imperial: o olhar de Eunápio sobre a unidade política do império Romano no século IV D. C

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Exílios caminhantes: imbricações entre autorrepresentação e a narrativa de cidades nas literaturas de James Joyce e Suketu Mehta

A presente investigação propõe uma comparação entre a obra do romancista irlandês James Joyce produzida até 1904 e a obra Bombaim: cidade máxima, do escritor indiano Suketu Mehta no sentido de identificar semelhanças em certos procedimentos de representação tanto da cidade como da autorrepresentação, ou seja, a representação de si mesmo. É objetivo da investigação aqui desenvolvida também argumentar que tais semelhanças não são meramente fortuitas, mas que estão relacionadas à continuidade de processos históricos diretamente relacionados ao advento, propagação e manutenção do que a historiadora estadunidense Ellen Meiksins Wood chama de império do capital. Para levar a investigação a cabo, foi promovida uma pesquisa formada pelos seguintes desmembramentos que compõem os capítulos da tese: uma revisão dos conceitos de colônia, império e imperialismo, assim como da relação entre o Império Britânico e a Irlanda a primeira colônia britânica e terra natal de Joyce e a Índia a maior e mais importante colônia britânica e país onde Mehta nasceu; uma exploração do tema da cidade, que envolve sua relevância para a contemporaneidade, a emergência da cidade industrial capitalista, e as ideias do sociólogo alemão Georg Simmel acerca da configuração psicológica engendrada na e por essa conformação urbana; uma detida investigação da obra inicial de Joyce, no intuito de explorar o desenvolvimento do que chamamos de literatura dramática joyceana, seu uso nos primeiros textos ficcionais de Joyce e a relação de tal literatura com o tema da cidade; uma breve recapitulação de alguns dos eventos marcantes do século XX que acreditamos terem estreita relação com a pesquisa aqui desenvolvida: a derrocada do Império Britânico, a emergência dos EUA como nova potência imperial, a relação do movimento Modernista com o contexto imperialista do início do século e com o tema da cidade, ilustrada principalmente pela figura e obra de Joyce; uma detalhada exploração de Bombaim: cidade máxima, seus personagens e temas; finalmente, a explicitação das semelhanças e diferenças existentes entre as narrativas de Joyce e Mehta e de como tais características se relacionam com a emergência, manutenção e propagação do império do capital.

Mapping a Colonial Borderland: Objectifying the Geo-Body of India's Northeast

India’s Northeast frontier is at the margins of three study areas: South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia. This paper attempts a history of “mapping” in its broader sense as a cultural universal over a relatively long period. It is not a history of cartography, but focuses on the interface between cartography and cosmography, which were, in turn, shaped by imperial power and geographical knowledge. This approach offers a high-altitude view of this Asian borderland as the imperial frontier of both the Mughals and the British, and the national fringe of Republican India. The authors argue that imperial geographical discourses invested the colonial Northeast (British Assam) with a new kind of territorial identity. Surveyors and mapmakers objectified the “geo-body” of this borderland in a spatial fix and visualized it as a Northeast-on-the-map. Cartographic territoriality naturalized traditional frontiers into colonial borderlands, which, in turn, forged national boundaries.

Continuatio et renovatio : l'idéologie impériale de Septimius Severus

Le règne de Septimius Severus (193-211 apr. J.-C.) se situa entre la période de béatitude des Antonins et la crise de l’Empire romain du IIIe siècle. Cet empereur fut acclamé Auguste par ses légions de la Pannonie Supérieure et il fut contraint de se battre pendant quatre ans afin de demeurer au pouvoir. En y incorporant son origine africaine, ces constats pourraient nous porter à voir dans le règne de Severus les prémices de l’évolution entre le Principat et le Dominat, qui se seraient manifestées entre autres à travers son idéologie impériale. Ce mémoire de maîtrise illustre comment cet empereur adhéra à la tradition iconographique établie depuis le règne d’Auguste, et détermine également l’ampleur de ses innovations sur le plan idéologique. Ainsi, avec l’appui des sources iconographiques, épigraphiques et littéraires, nous nous efforçons à démontrer que l’idéologie de Severus. s’intègre dans une continuité évolutive de la perception du pouvoir impérial.

Éloge et critique de l’empereur chez Ambroise de Milan et Symmaque : au confluent de deux conceptions idéologiques du pouvoir impérial romain

L’expression idéologique du pouvoir impérial romain au IVe siècle apr. J.-C. fut profondément marquée par les contextes religieux, culturel et littéraire dans lesquels elle s’inséra et dans lesquels coexistèrent deux religions et donc deux systèmes différents de pensée et de représentation du monde, soit le paganisme, religion traditionnelle de l’État romain, et le christianisme, religion émergente qui s’imposa de plus en plus dans l’Empire, notamment à partir du règne de Constantin. Cette trame de fond, loin de signifier à cette époque la fin totale du paganisme – comme il a longtemps été admis – au profit de la religion chrétienne qui entretint, grâce au support impérial, une relation nouvelle avec le pouvoir politique, modela de nouveaux critères d’exercice du pouvoir et des conceptions de l’idéal impérial qui s’exprimèrent dans les discours d’éloge destinés à l’empereur. Miroir du prince et moyen de communication entre ce dernier et l’élite, les éloges d’Ambroise de Milan et de Symmaque s’insérèrent dans le débat politique de leur temps en élaborant un archétype de l’empereur et en déterminant ses devoirs. Pour mesurer toute l’ampleur de la symbolique véhiculée dans de tels discours, il importe, pour le IVe siècle, de considérer la mentalité des auteurs, chrétiens et païens, d’où émanaient les éloges – ou encore les critiques – de la personne impériale. Ce mémoire propose ainsi d’analyser l’idéologie du pouvoir impérial selon les discours chrétien et païen, à travers les éloges d’Ambroise et de Symmaque, afin de relever les points de rencontre, d’influence ou de divergence entre ces représentations du monde et, plus spécifiquement, du pouvoir impérial, qui ont longtemps été considérées comme totalement opposées et incompatibles.

Le pouvoir impérial romain et les cultes isiaques à Rome (IIIe-IVe siècles)

Les cultes isiaques se répandent autour du bassin méditerranéen entre le IVe s. av. et la fin du IVe s. apr. J.-C., arrivant à Rome au Ier siècle av. notre ère et y disparaissant conjointement aux cultes païens traditionnels avec ou peu après le coup porté par Théodose. Leur diffusion romaine s’étale donc sur une grande partie de l’histoire de l’Empire d’Occident, et ils vont ainsi se retrouver face à l’homme désormais considéré comme primus inter pares, grâce à l’accumulation de ses pouvoirs. L’empereur est pontifex maximus, c’est-à-dire maitre des cultes publics et du droit religieux, et il est ainsi l’agent du pouvoir qui a le potentiel religieux et législatif pour avoir un discours varié sur les autres traditions religieuses. Il semble donc inévitable que la sphère cultuelle isiaque rencontre et interagisse avec la sphère religieuse traditionnelle romaine, et que certains empereurs interfèrent, par renforcement ou au contraire par opposition, avec les cultes isiaques arrivés peu de temps avant l’avènement du pouvoir impérial. Cette thèse se propose non seulement d’étudier la dialectique entre institué romain (la force d’inertie) et instituant isiaque (la force de changements) dans la direction d’une potentielle altérité incluse (soit le dialogue évolutif du Nous par rapport à l’Autre), mais notamment par les liens publics romains et évolutifs entre l’empereur et les divinités isiaques. Nous effectuons cette recherche grâce à quatre types de sources antiques : la littérature pour le point de vue de l’élite littéraire gréco-romaine ; les inscriptions isiaques pour une définition surtout populaire de l’identité évolutive de l’instituant isiaque ; les monnaies et les oeuvres monumentales pour le point de vue public (et parfois plus personnel) impérial. Nous concentrons notre étude à partir de la dynastie sévérienne, qui laisse supposer que les cultes romano-orientaux profitent de la nouvelle configuration impériale avec des empereurs originaires d’Afrique et d’Orient, dans un phénomène d’« impérialisation » isiaque intensifié par un engagement tant impérial que populaire. En outre, nous nuancerons les conséquences sur la diffusion isiaque des troubles qui surviennent dans la deuxième moitié du IIIe siècle. Enfin, le IVe siècle, avec la christianisation de l’Empire et donc un christianisme devenant institué, ouvre sur une analyse des débats entre les défenseurs actifs du paganisme et les auteurs chrétiens, et de là, vers des interrogations sur l’intervention de la sphère isiaque dans ce face-à-face.

La pensée politique à l’époque de Justinien (527-565) : l’Ekthesis d’Agapète et le Dialogue de science politique

Le présent mémoire se donne pour fin d'étudier, en les replaçant au sein du contexte politique de leur époque, deux textes importants de la pensée politique de Justinien : l'Ekthesis d'Agapète le diacre, et le Dialogue de science politique. Ces deux textes représentent le point de vue de deux groupes d'acceptation de Constantinople – à savoir des groupes qui peuvent participer à l’élévation ou à la destitution d’un empereur : le clergé, et l'élite des sénateurs et des hauts-fonctionnaires. À partir de ce cadre conceptuel, il s'agira, pour ce mémoire, de définir les problématiques ayant trait à la fonction et la conception du pouvoir impérial et à la forme de l'État, telles que les présentent ces deux textes. À terme, devra émerger comme cadre interprétatif l'affrontement de deux tendances: d'une part, un hellénisme politique christianisé (associé au clergé), et, d'autre part, une romanité conjuguée à une vision néoplatonicienne du monde (associée à l'élite sénatoriale et fonctionnaire). Ces deux traditions posent des questions différentes. D'un côté, celle de l'orthodoxie de l'empereur et de la nécessité, pour ce dernier, de suivre les préceptes de l'éthique chrétienne, de se montrer digne de Dieu, dont il est le serviteur; de l'autre, celle de la sauvegarde de l'héritage romain, portant notamment sur le rôle du Sénat et l’importance de la loi, de même que le lien entre empereur et philosophe.

A controvérsia nestoriana e suas implicações político-administrativas nas cartas de Cirilo de Alexandria (séc. V d.c.)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Other Than a Citizen: Vernacular Poetics in Postwar America

Few symbols of 1950s-1960s America remain as central to our contemporary conception of Cold War culture as the iconic ranch-style suburban home. While the house took center stage in the Nixon/Khrushchev kitchen debates as a symbol of modern efficiency and capitalist values, its popularity depended largely upon its obvious appropriation of vernacular architecture from the 19th century, those California haciendas and Texas dogtrots that dotted the American west. Contractors like William Levitt modernized the historical common houses, hermetically sealing their porous construction, all while using the ranch-style roots of the dwelling to galvanize a myth of an indigenous American culture. At a moment of intense occupational bureaucracy, political uncertainty and atomized social life, the rancher gave a self-identifying white consumer base reason to believe they could master their own plot in the expansive frontier. Only one example of America’s mid-century love affair with commodified vernacular forms, the ranch-style home represents a broad effort on the part of corporate and governmental interest groups to transform the vernacular into a style that expresses a distinctly homogenous vision of American culture. “Other than a Citizen” begins with an anatomy of that transformation, and then turns to the work of four poets who sought to reclaim the vernacular from that process of standardization and use it to countermand the containment-era strategies of Cold War America.

In four chapters, I trace references to common speech and verbal expressivity in the poetry and poetic theory of Charles Olson, Robert Duncan, LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka and Gwendolyn Brooks, against the historical backdrop of the Free-Speech Movement and the rise of mass-culture. When poets frame nonliterary speech within the literary page, they encounter the inability of writing to capture the vital ephemerality of verbal expression. Rather than treat this limitation as an impediment, the writers in my study use the poem to dramatize the fugitivity of speech, emphasizing it as a disruptive counterpoint to the technologies of capture. Where critics such as Houston Baker interpret the vernacular strictly in terms of resistance, I take a cue from the poets and argue that the vernacular, rooted etymologically at the intersection of domestic security and enslaved margin, represents a gestalt form, capable at once of establishing centralized power and sparking minor protest. My argument also expands upon Michael North’s exploration of the influence of minstrelsy and regionalism on the development of modernist literary technique in The Dialect of Modernism. As he focuses on writers from the early 20th century, I account for the next generation, whose America was not a culturally inferior collection of immigrants but an imperial power, replete with economic, political and artistic dominance. Instead of settling for an essentially American idiom, the poets in my study saw in the vernacular not phonetic misspellings, slang terminology and fragmented syntax, but the potential to provoke and thereby frame a more ethical mode of social life, straining against the regimentation of citizenship.

My attention to the vernacular argues for an alignment among writers who have been segregated by the assumption that race and aesthetics are mutually exclusive categories. In reading these writers alongside one another, “Other than a Citizen” shows how the avant-garde concepts of projective poetics and composition by field develop out of an interest in black expressivity. Conversely, I trace black radicalism and its emphasis on sociality back to the communalism practiced at the experimental arts college in Black Mountain, North Carolina, where Olson and Duncan taught. In pressing for this connection, my work reveals the racial politics embedded within the speech-based aesthetics of the postwar era, while foregrounding the aesthetic dimension of militant protest.

Not unlike today, the popular rhetoric of the Cold War insists that to be a citizen involves defending one’s status as a rightful member of an exclusionary nation. To be other than a citizen, as the poets in my study make clear, begins with eschewing the false certainty that accompanies categorical nominalization. In promoting a model of mutually dependent participation, these poets lay the groundwork for an alternative model of civic belonging, where volition and reciprocity replace compliance and self-sufficiency. In reading their lines, we become all the more aware of the cracks that run the length of our load-bearing walls.

Origins of Australian Football: Victoria's Early History. Volume 3: Covert 'Professionalism': The Power of the Wealthy Clubs 1886 to 1890

This volume continues the story of football in Marvellous Melbourne during the 1880s. At this time the VFA continued to expand as Melbourne’s boom continued apace. In 1886 Port Melbourne, Prahran, St Kilda, Footscray and South Williamstown joined the competition, and the Ballarat clubs Ballarat, Ballarat Imperial and South Ballarat were also contending for the VFA premiership. In 1886 matches were divided into four quarters, goal umpires waved two flags to announce a goal, and time clocks and bells were employed to mark the end of quarters. Victoria also played inter-colonial matches against New South Wales, Tasmania and South Australia. VFA secretary T.S. Marshall was at the forefront of fighting the game’s turn towards professionalism, but although it was illegal to pay players, the practice continued. The period 1886 to 1890 also set the stage for the eventual formation of the Victorian Football League, for by the end of the 1880s the Victorian Football Association had become in effect a two-tier competition. The most popular clubs in the VFA, South Melbourne, Geelong, Carlton and Essendon collected the lion’s share of the gate money, which they used to build their wealth and entrench their position as the dominant Victorian teams. The lower tier clubs had to make do with paltry gate money and season fixtures that advantaged the strong clubs. In these fixtures the strong clubs elected to play each other first to increase their gate money, and only deemed to play the poorer clubs at the start of the season. This led to an increasing divide between the VFA’s rich and poor, and by 1890 South Williamstown and Prahran merged with Williamstown and St Kilda respectively, University dropped out of senior ranks, and the Ballarat clubs were excluded from competing for the VFA premiership, which left 12 senior clubs until Collingwood’s emergence in 1892. At this time, no team was as powerful as South Melbourne, which experienced the greatest success in the club’s VFA and VFL history when it collected triple premiership crowns in 1888, 1889, and 1890. South Melbourne was a most ambitious club and spearheaded the move towards professionalism, although this could not be made public. The fine teams it produced at this time contained some of the greatest players of the era, such as Peter Burns, “Sonny” Elms and “Dinny” McKay, and it looked after players with health insurance, jobs, inter-colonial trips, and other incentives. Geelong’s premiership in 1886 was perhaps its greatest triumph, but this success was followed by a premiership drought that would last for 39 years. Carlton remained one of Victorian football’s power clubs, and after securing the premiership in 1887 continued to compete for top honours. As always, the game became ever more popular and world record crowds of over 30,000 attended matches between South Melbourne, Carlton, Geelong and Essendon.

The Reorganisation of Provincial Territories in Light of the Imperial Decision-Making Process : Later Roman Arabia and Tres Palaestinae as Case Studies

The dissertation examines Roman provincial administration and the phenomenon of territorial reorganisations of provinces during the Imperial period with special emphasis on the provinces of Arabia and Palaestina during the Later Roman period, i.e., from Diocletian (r. 284 305) to the accession of Phocas (602), in the light of imperial decision-making. Provinces were the basic unit of Roman rule, for centuries the only level of administration that existed between the emperor and the cities of the Empire. The significance of the territorial reorganisations that the provinces were subjected to during the Imperial period is thus of special interest. The approach to the phenomenon is threefold: firstly, attention is paid to the nature and constraints of the Roman system of provincial administration. Secondly, the phenomenon of territorial reorganisations is analysed on the macro-scale, and thirdly, a case study concerning the reorganisations of the provinces of Arabia and Palaestina is conducted. The study of the mechanisms of decision-making provides a foundation through which the collected data of all known major territorial reorganisations is interpreted. The data concerning reorganisations is also subjected to qualitative comparative analysis that provides a new perspective to the data in the form of statistical analysis that is sensitive to the complexities of individual cases. This analysis of imperial decision-making is based on a timeframe stretching from Augustus (r. 30 BC AD 14) to the accession of Phocas (602). The study identifies five distinct phases in the use of territorial reorganisations of the provinces. From Diocletian s reign there is a clear normative change that made territorial reorganisations a regular tool of administration for the decision-making elite for addressing a wide variety of qualitatively different concerns. From the beginning of the fifth century the use of territorial reorganisations rapidly diminishes. The two primary reasons for the decline in the use of reorganisations were the solidification of ecclesiastical power and interests connected to the extent of provinces, and the decline of the dioceses. The case study of Palaestina and Arabia identifies seven different territorial reorganisations from Diocletian to Phocas. Their existence not only testifies to wider imperial policies, but also shows sensitivity to local conditions and corresponds with the general picture of provincial reorganisations. The territorial reorganisations of the provinces reflect the proactive control of the Roman decision-making elite. The importance of reorganisations should be recognised more clearly as part of the normal imperial administration of the provinces and especially reflecting the functioning of dioceses.

Identidad y memoria como principio de legitimación : el caso de la construcción del poder imperial de Séptimo Severo

Abstract: I will focus on the Roman Empire during the final years of the 2nd century A.D., which are considered by Classical Historiography as critical. This epithet is based on the detection of estructural and circumstancial changes linked to state power’s concept. Emperor Pertinax’s murder in 193 can be understood as the trigger of the civil war extended up to the year 197. During those years the tutelary of state power was jeopardized, when four Emperors were crowned at the same time. By the time this struggle ended, Lucius Septimius Severus was recognized as the victorious general and the first of his name in the new dynastic line. Considering these facts, it is the purpose of my work to analize the rising figure of Septimius Severus, from civil war’s clashing context through which the Emperial legitimacy had to be set.

Moral e disciplina: monges e escravos no espaço monástico beneditino na Corte Imperial

Esta pesquisa trata das alterações ocorridas na propriedade dos monges da Ordem de São Bento no Rio de Janeiro. O crescimento da cidade, a falta de monges nos claustros e o aumento do número de escravos no século XIX, contribuíram para a configuração desse espaço e também nas mudanças dos preceitos religiosos. Com base a Regra de São Bento novas práticas foram apontadas nesse universo monástico exigindo maior rigor na conduta dos monges e da sua mão-de-obra cativa no cotidiano do mosteiro. Dessa forma, aponto como as transformações ocorridas na administração da Congregação Beneditina do Brasil e os interesses do Governo Imperial no patrimônio da Ordem estabeleceram uma relação de poder entre os monges e seus escravos, no período de 1819 a 1842. A partir da análise da Confraria do Rosário, constituída na capela-mor do mosteiro, ilumino o lugar dos cativos nessa nova organização, observando-a como parte de uma tática de produção de corpos submissos à moral e à disciplina.