34 resultados para Hanoverian mercenaries.
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Advertisements for Helwing: final leaf.
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Prescott, S. (2005). The Cambrian Muse: Welsh Identity and Hanoverian Loyalty in the Poems of Jane Brereton (1685-1740). Eighteenth -Century Studies. 38(4), pp.587-603. RAE2008
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On pense souvent que le professionnalisme moderne exige qu’on regarde comme non relevante les traditions particulières ainsi que les liens avec familiaux, tribaux et religieux. Du point de vue du professionnalisme, ce qu’est important sont des règles internes à la profession et aussi les droits universels de l’homme vu comme individu abstrait. Dans une société où l’individualisme et le commerce deviennent omniprésents, les traditions éthiques et les identités narratives pourraient pourtant constituer un cadre de motivations clé pour l’intégrité éthique professionnelle. Je prendrai comme exemple la profession militaire et en particulier l’utilisation de mercenaires. En distinguant entre les compétences et les vertus je me demanderai si oui ou non il y a une relation nécessaire entre un bon soldat et le fait d’être un citoyen. Le fait d’être est compris ici comme catégorie morale qui occasionne un certain idéal de caractère et en particulier des vertus. Je conclus que l’action de contractualisation privée d’un soldat n’est pas en général moralement digne d’éloge et ne devrait pas être encouragée dans une société éthiquement orientée.
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In summer 1866 the Austro-Prussian struggle for supremacy in Germany erupted into open conflict. King Georg V of Hanover sided with other governments loyal to the German Confederation against Prussia, but after initially defeating Prussian forces at Langensalza, he was forced to capitulate. Two days after the battle, on June 29, 1866, the widow of the Hanoverian general Sir Georg Julius von Hartmann told her daughter in no uncertain terms how she felt about the Prussian government and its allies. In her opinion they were nothing more than “robber states” that cloaked their disregard for the Ten Commandments in sanctimonious public displays of piety. “These Protestant Jesuits,” she continued, “offend me more than the Catholic ones. You know that I am German with all my heart and love my Germany, but I cannot consider them genuine Germans anymore because they only want to make Germany Prussian.”
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A genome-wide scan was performed to detect quantitative trait loci (QTLs) for osteochondrosis (OC) and osteochondrosis dissecans (OCD) in horses. The marker set comprised 260 microsatellites. We collected data from 211 Hanoverian warmblood horses consisting of 14 paternal half-sib families. Traits used were OC (fetlock and/or hock joints affected), OCD (fetlock and/or hock joints affected), fetlock OC, fetlock OCD, hock OC, and hock OCD. The first genome scan included 172 microsatellite markers. In a second step 88 additional markers were chosen to refine putative QTLs found in the first scan. Genome-wide significant QTLs were located on equine chromosomes 2, 4, 5, and 16. QTLs for fetlock OC and hock OC partly overlapped on the same chromosomes, indicating that these traits may be genetically related. QTLs reached the chromosome-wide significance level on eight different equine chromosomes: 2, 3, 4, 5, 15, 16, 19, and 21. This whole-genome scan was a first step toward the identification of candidate genome regions harboring genes responsible for equine OC. Further investigations are necessary to refine the map positions of the QTLs already identified for OC.
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Fertility of stallions is of high economic importance, especially for large breeding organisations and studs. Breeding schemes with respect to fertility traits and selection of stallions at an early stage may be improved by including molecular genetic markers associated with traits. The genes coding for equine cysteine-rich secretory proteins (CRISPs) are promising candidate genes because previous studies have shown that CRISPs play a role in the fertilising ability of male animals. We have previously characterised the three equine CRISP genes and identified a non-synonymous polymorphism in the CRISP1 gene. In this study, we report one non-synonymous polymorphism in the CRISP2 gene and four non-synonymous polymorphisms in the CRISP3 gene. All six CRISP polymorphisms were genotyped in 107 Hanoverian breeding stallions. Insemination records of stallions were used to analyse the association between CRISP polymorphisms and fertility traits. Three statistical models were used to evaluate the influence of single mutations, genotypes and haplotypes of the polymorphisms. The CRISP3 AJ459965:c.+622G>A SNP leading to the amino acid substitution E208K was significantly associated with the fertility of stallions. Stallions heterozygous for the CRISP3 c.+622G>A SNP had lower fertility than homozygous stallions (P = 0.0234). The pregnancy rate per cycle in these stallions was estimated to be approximately 7% lower than in stallions homozygous at this position.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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I. Sophia Dorothea of Celle, wife of George I. Caroline of Ansbach, queen of George II.--II. Charlotte Sophia of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, queen of George III. Amelia Elizabeth Caroline of Brunswick, queen of George IV. Adelaide f Saxe Meiningen, queen of William IV.
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In my master thesis I analyse Byzantine warfare in the late period of the empire. I use military operations between Byzantines and crusader Principality of Achaia (1259–83) as a case study. Byzantine strategy was based (in “oriental manner”) on using ambushes, diplomacy, surprise attacks, deception etc. Open field battles that were risky in comparison with their benefits were usually avoided, but the Byzantines were sometimes forced to seek open encounter because their limited ability to keep strong armies in field for long periods of time. Foreign mercenaries had important place in Byzantine armies and they could simply change sides if their paymasters ran out of resources. The use of mercenaries with short contracts made it possible that the composition of an army was flexible but on the other hand heterogeneous – in result Byzantine armies were sometimes ineffective and prone to confusion. In open field battles Byzantines used formation that was made out from several lines placed one after another. This formation was especially suitable for cavalry battles. Byzantines might have also used other kinds of formations. The Byzantines were not considered equal to Latins in close combat. West-Europeans saw mainly horse archers and Latin mercenaries on Byzantine service as threats to themselves in battle. The legitimacy of rulers surrounding the Aegean sea was weak and in many cases political intrigues and personal relationships can have resolved the battles. Especially in sieges the loyalty of population was decisive. In sieges the Byzantines used plenty of siege machines and archers. This made fast conquests possible, but it was expensive. The Byzantines protected their frontiers by building castles. Military operations against the Principality of Achaia were mostly small scale raids following an intensive beginning. Byzantine raids were mostly made by privateers and mountaineers. This does not fit to the traditional picture that warfare belonged to the imperial professional army. It’s unlikely that military operations in war against the Principality of Achaia caused great demographic or economic catastrophe and some regions in the warzone might even have flourished. On the other hand people started to concentrate into villages which (with growing risks for trade) probably caused disturbance in economic development and in result birth rates might have decreased. Both sides of war sought to exchange their prisoners of war. These were treated according to conventional manners that were accepted by both sides. It was possible to sell prisoners, especially women and children, to slavery, but the scale of this trade does not seem to be great in military operations treated in this theses.
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Since the publication of Hobsbawm and Rudé's Captain Swing our understanding of the role(s) of covert protests in Hanoverian rural England has advanced considerably. Whilst we now know much about the dramatic practices of incendiarism and animal maiming and the voices of resistance in seemingly straightforward acquisitive acts, one major gap remains. Despite the fact that almost thirty years have passed since E. P. Thompson brought to our attention that under the notorious ‘Black Act’ the malicious cutting of trees was a capital offence, no subsequent research has been published. This paper seeks to address this major lacuna by systematically analysing the practices and patterns of malicious attacks on plants (‘plant maiming’) in the context of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century southern England. It is shown that not only did plant maiming take many different forms, attacking every conceivable type of flora, but also that it was universally understood and practised. In some communities plant maiming was the protestors' weapon of choice. As a social practice it therefore embodied wider community beliefs regarding the defence of plebeian livelihoods and identities.