992 resultados para French colonialism


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Morocco was the last North African country in which a Pasteur institute was created, nearly two decades later than in Tunisia and Algeria. In fact, two institutes were opened, the first in Tangier in 1913 and the second in Casablanca in 1932. This duplication, far from being a measure of success, was the material expression of the troubles Pastorians had experienced in getting a solid foothold in the country since the late 19th century. These problems partly derived from the pre-existence of a modest Spanish-Moroccan bacteriological tradition, developed since the late 1880s within the framework of the Sanitary Council and Hygiene Commission of Tangier, and partly from the uncoordinated nature of the initiatives launched from Paris and Algiers. Although a Pasteur Institute was finally established, with Paul Remlinger as director, the failure of France to impose its colonial rule over the whole country, symbolized by the establishment of an international regime in Tangier, resulted in the creation of a second centre in Casablanca. While elucidating many hitherto unclear facts about the entangled origins of both institutes, the author points to the solidity of the previously independent Moroccan state as a major factor behind the troubled translation of Pastorianism to Morocco. Systematically dismissed or downplayed by colonial and postcolonial historiography, this solidity disrupted the French takeover of the country and therefore Pastorian expectations.

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Figure majeure de l’histoire des relations coloniales franco-algériennes, l’émir Abdelkader est généralement présenté par ses compatriotes comme le modèle politique, militaire et religieux du résistant au colonialisme français du 19ième siècle. L’historiographie officielle algérienne en véhicule l’image du chef religieux qui a initié al-jihad de résistance conforme aux règles exotériques de la chari’ia. Il est décrit comme un guerrier loyal et magnanime, fin stratège, dont la défaite militaire a paradoxalement marqué la fondation de l’Algérie moderne en tant que Nation et État. La construction sociopolitique postcoloniale de ce mythe a permis de légitimer les différents régimes politiques, qui se sont succédé dans l’Algérie indépendante et qui ont toujours tenu, dans le cadre d’une lecture littérale de l’Islam. Ceci dans le but de taire la dimension spirituelle d’Abdelkader disciple, héritier et commentateur de l’œuvre du magister Magnus soufi, IbnʻArabî. Fascinés dès le début de l’occupation par cet adversaire hors du commun, les français, de plus en plus sécularisés, en ont érigé une image utilitaire, l’aliénant ainsi de ses compatriotes coreligionnaires et le découplant de sa foi islamique. Les mémoires concurrentes de l’ancienne puissance coloniale et de son ex-colonie, l’Algérie, ont généré plusieurs débats contemporains en ce qui a trait à l’écriture de l’histoire de la colonisation. Le personnage d’Abdelkader a été instrumentalisé par les uns et les autres. Deux évènements controversés de sa biographie sont devenus les objets d’une polémique souvent âpre et amère entre auteurs chercheurs algériens et français : l’adhésion de l’émir à la franc-maçonnerie française et sa séparation d’avec celle-ci. Nous allons présenter que la prémisse d’auteurs algériens, selon laquelle Abdelkader n’aurait pas pu adhérer au Grand Orient de France, pour cause d’incompatibilité doctrinale musulmane, est inconsistante. Nous essayerons de démontrer au contraire, que son initiation à la maçonnerie telle qu’elle s’était présentée à lui était en accord avec sa vision soufie et légaliste du dogme islamique. En nous basant sur le choix de la franc-maçonnerie française pour la laïcité au moment de la réception supposée de l’émir dans la fraternité, nous montrerons qu’il s’en éloigna pour des raisons de doctrine islamique. En effet, l’élimination de toute référence déiste des textes constitutifs du Grand Orient de France fut inacceptable pour le musulman qu’était Abdelkader, vaincu militairement mais raffermi spirituellement par sa proximité grandissante avec son maître spirituel IbnʻArabî. L’humanisme des francs-maçons français avait motivé une refondation basée sur les droits de l’homme issus de la révolution française. Tandis que celui de l’émir Abdelkader prenait sa source dans l’Unicité de l’Être, concept-cadre Akbarien de la compréhension de la relation de Dieu avec ses créatures. Nous allons montrer que les polémiques franco-algériennes sur les relations d’Abdelkader avec la franc-maçonnerie française, masquent un autre débat de fond qui dure depuis des siècles dans le monde musulman. Un débat opposant deux herméneutiques légalistes des textes islamiques, l’une exotérique s’incarnant dans l’œuvre du théologien musulman Ibn Taymiyya et l’autre ésotérique se trouvant au cœur des écrits du mystique IbnʻArabî.

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Archipel des Petites Antilles, la Martinique est une société née de la traite transatlantique, de l’esclavage et du colonialisme français. Cette société créole, liée à sa métropole depuis près de quatre siècles, est devenue un département français en 1946, conférant à ses habitants le statut de citoyen français. Dès lors, l’émigration vers son centre, l’Ile-de-France, s’intensifia peu à peu pour s’institutionnaliser au cours des années 1960 grâce à un organisme d’Etat, le BUMIDOM. La présence antillaise en France est aujourd’hui telle, qu’on parle de la métropole comme d’une « troisième île ». Toutefois, on assiste de nos jours à de nouvelles pratiques de mobilités transatlantiques, plurales et multiformes, dont les migrations de retour font partie intégrante. Les acteurs du retour, les dits « retournés » ou « négropolitains », ont témoigné de plusieurs obstacles à l’heure de réintégrer leur terre d’origine. La présente étude entend démontrer cette tendance à considérer le migrant de retour comme un nouveau type d’ « outsider », soit comme un étranger culturel ; manifestation inédite qui dévoile une autre facette de l’altérité à la Martinique ainsi qu’une nouvelle configuration de sa relation postcoloniale avec la République française. Suite à un terrain ethnographique auprès de ces « retournés », et d’une observation participante auprès de la population locale, cette étude entend soumettre les représentations de l’île et de ses habitants à une analyse qualitative et comprendre comment l’expérience en territoire français transformera le migrant, sa façon d’appartenir à la culture martiniquaise et/ou à la culture française. Nous nous livrons ainsi à un examen des représentations et des pratiques des acteurs du retour pour permettre un éclairage novateur sur les nouvelles allégeances identitaires et les nouveaux déterminants de l’altérité à l’intersection de ces deux espaces à la fois proches et distants. Aussi, nous interrogerons comment le prisme du retour s’articule au cas martiniquais. En effet, le retour acquiert une dimension particulière dans le contexte de ces itinéraires de mobilité de « citoyens de couleur » qui expérimentent souvent un double rejet social et ce, sans même s’être écartés de leurs frontières nationales.

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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo explicar la influencia de la construcción de identidad cultural vietnamita en la Guerra de Independencia de Vietnam entre 1946 y 1954. Se argumenta que la construcción de identidad cultural justificó, promovió y legitimó la guerra de independencia como instrumento político ya que –en tanto proceso relacional– generó durante la colonización francesa prácticas de diferenciación fundamentadas en la reivindicación de los valores, tradiciones, costumbres, creencias y símbolos vietnamitas en torno a la resistencia. Ello propició una ruptura en las relaciones políticas imperantes, lo que condujo a la búsqueda de un nuevo orden social basado en la autodeterminación. Se utiliza una metodología de tipo cualitativa, fundamentada en el análisis documental e historiográfico.

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The emergence of Indochina in the French imagination was articulated in both representational and institutional modes. Representation involves the transmission of colonial ideals through more obtuse means; that is, through literary texts, travelogues, exhibitions, film and advertising. However, these textual sites feed from and invest in a material situation, which was the institutional arm of colonialism. Indochina was institutionally articulated in cartographic maps and surveys, in the new social spaces of cities and towns, in architectural and technological forms, through social technologies of discipline and welfare and in cultural and religious organisations. The aim of this thesis is to analyse, across a number of textual sites, the representation and institutionalisation of Otherness through the politics of space in the French colony of Indochina, Indochine in this sense becomes a spatial discourse. The French constructed a mental and physical space for Indochina by blanketing and suffocating the original cultural landscape, which in fact had to be ignored for this process to occur. What actually became manifest as a result of this projection stemmed from the French imagination. Just as the French manipulated space, language also underwent the same process of reduction. The Vietnamese script was latinised to make it more 'useable' and ‘accessible’. Through christening the union of Indochina; initiating a comprehensive writing reform; and renaming the streets in the colonial cities, the French used language us another tool for 'making transparent'. Furthermore, the colonial powers established a communication and transport network throughout the colony in an attempt to materialise their fictive (artificial) vision of a unified French Indochinese space. The accessibility and design of these different modes of transport reflected the gendered, racial and class divisions inherent in the colonial establishment. At the heart of representing and institutionalising Indochina was the desire to control and contain. This characterised French imperial ordering of space in the city and the rural areas. In rural areas land was divided into small parcels and alienated to individuals or worked into precise grids for the rubber plantation. In urban centres the native quarter was clearly demarcated from the European quarter which functioned as its modern, progressive Other. The rationale behind this segregation was premised on European, nineteenth century discourses of race, class, gender and hygiene. Influenced by Darwinian and neo-Lamarkian theories of race, this biological discourse identified the 'working class', 'women' and 'the native' as not only biologically but also culturally inferior. They were perceived as a potential, degenerative threat to the biological, cultural and industrial development of the nation. In the colonial context, space was thus ordered and domesticated to control the native population. Coextensively, the literature which springs from such a structure will be tainted by the same ideas, and thus the spaces it formulates within the readers mind feed on and reinforce this foundation. Examples of gender and indigenous narratives which contest this imaginative, transparent topography are analysed throughout this thesis. They provide instances of struggle and resistance which undermine the ideal/stereotypical level of architectural and planned space and delineate an alternative insight into colonial spatial and social relations. The fictional accounts of European women and indigenous writers both challenge and reaffirm the fixity of some of these idealised colonial boundaries. In various literary, historical, political, architectural and cinematic discourses Indochina has been und continues to be depicted as a modern city and exotic Utopia. Informed by the mood of nostalgia, exotic images of Indochina have resurfaced in contemporary French culture. France's continued desire to create, control and maintain an Indochinese space in the French public imagination reinforces the multi-layered, interconnected and persistent nature of colonial discourse.

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Alexander von Humboldt explored the Spanish Empire on the verge of its collapse (1799–1804). He is the most significant German travel writer and the most important mediator between Europe and the Americas of the nineteenth century. His works integrated knowledge from two dozen domains. Today, he is at the center of debates on imperial discourse, postcolonialism, and globalization. This collection of fifty essays brings together a range of responses, many presented here for the first time in English. Authors from Schiller, Chateaubriand, Sarmiento, and Nietzsche, to Robert Musil, Kurt Tucholsky, Ernst Bloch, and Alejo Carpentier paint the historical background. Essays by contemporary travel writers and recent critics outline the current controversies on Humboldt. The source materials collected here will be indispensable to scholars of German, French, and Latin and North American literature as well as cultural and postcolonial studies, history, art history, and the history of science.

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The history of France and its empires is one that has been well trodden, particularly the French occupation, and subsequent war, in Algeria. In this companion to his earlier work, 2011’s The Colonial Heritage of French Comics,McKinney attempts to examine the reconstruction of French national identity in the wake of decolonisation through the medium of Francophonecomics. He endeavours to study the colonial affrontier (3), the space in which France and its colonies are connected and divided, where they seek to confront each other, or to seek peace and the removal of the division. McKinney argues this affrontier can be found most strongly in the Francophone comics produced dealing with the French colonial experience in Algeria, as well as that of Indochina,and does so from both sides of each conflict. McKinney examines in detail the French colonisation of Algeria (1830sonwards), the French war in Indochina (1946–54) and the Algerian war (1954–62), and his work is the first to approach these well-covered areas of research through the medium of comics. The resulting work takes the form of an investigation into the five forms of genealogical inquiry utilised in comics regarding these conflicts. His approach investigates the familial, ethnic, national, artistic and critical forms of genealogy relating to colonialism and imperialism from a variety of viewpoints, including the previously overlooked perspective of the pieds noirs. He aims to highlight both those cartoonists that critique the colonial ideology, as well as those cartoonists who to some extent attempt to gloss over or even romanticise the French empire, strengthening the affrontier. He positions himself alongside Foucault in seeing genealogy as a useful means of establishing ‘historical knowledge of struggles’ (Foucault1980, 85), but McKinney looks at the colonial representation in a popular medium,including the recent increase in comics produced which consider the French colonial experience. He argues that this consideration of the present, as well as European imperialism, is absent in the work of Foucault. The text is accompanied by a number of black and white facsimiles of pages from the comics he analyses to illustrate the different and often conflicting positions of cartoonists on these issues. Overall, McKinney’s work is a welcome addition to the study of the French colonial experience, which separates its elf from the rest by using Francophonecomics as lenses through which to look at these already well-trodden areas of study. He succeeds in determining if and how cartoonists critique colonial ideology and representations on both sides of the conflicts, a task in which he is unarguably successful. McKinney’s work, however, is unfortunately let down by typo graphicerrors, which occur throughout the text.Nevertheless, McKinney’s work is another important work in the field of Bande Dessine ́e scholarship, and useful for anyone interested in the representations of colonialism and imperialism in French comics, accompanied by anencyclopaedic bibliography of comics produced on this topic.

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Increased crash risk is associated with sedative medications and researchers and health-professionals have called for improvements to medication warnings about driving. The tiered warning system in France since 2005 indicates risk level, uses a color-coded pictogram, and advises the user to seek the advice of a doctor before driving. In Queensland, Australia, the mandatory warning on medications that may cause drowsiness advises the user not to drive or operate machinery if they self-assess that they are affected, and calls attention to possible increased impairment when combined with alcohol. Objectives The reported aims of the study were to establish and compare risk perceptions associated with the Queensland and French warnings among medication users. It was conducted to complement the work of DRUID in reviewing the effectiveness of existing campaigns and practice guidelines. Methods Medication users in France and Queensland were surveyed using warnings about driving from both contexts to compare risk perceptions associated with each label. Both samples were assessed for perceptions of the warning that carried the strongest message of risk. The Queensland study also included perceptions of the likelihood of crash and level of impairment associated with the warning. Results Findings from the French study (N = 75) indicate that when all labels were compared, the majority of respondents perceived the French Level-3 label as the strongest warning about risk concerning driving. Respondents in Queensland had significantly stronger perceptions of potential impairment to driving ability, z = -13.26, p <.000 (n = 325), and potential chance of having a crash, z = -11.87, p < .000 (n = 322), after taking a medication that displayed the strongest French warning, compared with the strongest Queensland warning. Conclusions Evidence suggests that warnings about driving displayed on medications can influence risk perceptions associated with use of medication. Further analyses will determine whether risk perceptions influence compliance with the warnings.

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The growth of technologies and tools branded as =new media‘ or =Web 2.0‘ has sparked much discussion about the internet and its place in all facets of social life. Such debate includes the potential for blogs and citizen journalism projects to replace or alter journalism and mainstream media practices. However, while the journalism-blog dynamic has attracted the most attention, the actual work of political bloggers, the roles they play in the mediasphere and the resources they use, has been comparatively ignored. This project will look at political blogging in Australia and France - sites commenting on or promoting political events and ideas, and run by citizens, politicians, and journalists alike. In doing so, the structure of networks formed by bloggers and the nature of communication within political blogospheres will be examined. Previous studies of political blogging around the world have focussed on individual nations, finding that in some cases the networks are divided between different political ideologies. By comparing two countries with different political representation (two-party dominated system vs. a wider political spectrum), this study will determine the structure of these political blogospheres, and correlate these structures with the political environment in which they are situated. The thesis adapts concepts from communication and media theories, including framing, agenda setting, and opinion leaders, to examine the work of political bloggers and their place within the mediasphere. As well as developing a hybrid theoretical base for research into blogs and other online communication, the project outlines new methodologies for carrying out studies of online activity through the analysis of several topical networks within the wider activity collected for this project. The project draws on hyperlink and textual data collected from a sample of Australian and French blogs between January and August 2009. From this data, the thesis provides an overview of =everyday‘ political blogging, showing posting patterns over several months of activity, away from national elections and their associated campaigns. However, while other work in this field has looked solely at cumulative networks, treating collected data as a static network, this project will also look at specific cases to see how the blogospheres change with time and topics of discussion. Three case studies are used within the thesis to examine how blogs cover politics, featuring an international political event (the Obama inauguration), and local political topics (the opposition to the =Création et Internet‘, or HADOPI, law in France, the =Utegate‘ scandal in Australia). By using a mixture of qualitative and quantitative methods, the study analyses data collected from a population of sites from both countries, looking at their linking patterns, relationship with mainstream media, and topics of interest. This project will subsequently help to further develop methodologies in this field and provide new and detailed information on both online networks and internet-based political communication in Australia and France.

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This chapter reviews green grains from the shelf of French Guiana as a regional example of sedimentologic process occurring on the whole stable continental margin from the Amazon to the Orinoco River. Green grains have been observed and analyzed off the Orinoco delta and on the continental shelf of Surinam. These green grains were identified as “chamosite” and “glauconite.” The muddy coast of French Guiana is generally very flat and occupied by wet swamps and mangrove as a result of the equatorial climate. Most green grains on the continental shelf represent the verdine facies. Green grains are ubiquitous on the shelf and top of the slope off French Guiana. Two sedimentological facies exist: glaucony deeper than 150 m and verdine at shallower depths. The verdine facies has mainly developed from mineral debris and especially chloritized biotite. Carbonate bioclasts and faecal pellets are also utilized. The mica flakes were never wholly replaced by authigenic clay and the phenomenon leads to mixed grains where authigenic and substrate remains are recognizable. Carbonate substrates lead to mainly clay pure green grains becasue the initial carbonate has been dissolved. The formation of verdine can be located in a general marine environment at a comparatively warm sea-water temperature and at a depth probably shallower than 60 m.