Feminismo, luta de classes e consciência militante feminista no Brasil

A formação da consciência na sociedade capitalista é atravessada por relações de alienação e pela ideologia dominante que dificultam o desenvolvimento da consciência revolucionária, desenvolvida na militância coletiva voltada para a transformação social. Na particularidade das mulheres, esse processo é mais difícil por estarem envolvidas em relações patriarcais de dominação, apropriação e exploração advindas, fundamentalmente, da divisão sexual do trabalho que, associadas a uma ideologia de uma suposta natureza feminina, as constitui como submissas, subservientes, passivas e apolíticas. Por isso, partimos da pergunta: como ocorre o processo de formação da consciência militante feminista em uma sociedade patriarcal e capitalista? O sentido geral desta tese é compreender a formação da consciência militante feminista e seus principais desdobramentos na luta de classes no Governo Lula. A delimitação do estudo no Governo Lula é motivada pela necessidade de compreensão do feminismo na contemporaneidade, mas, também, pela inquietação de analisar a capacidade de envolvimento político desse governo no campo dos movimentos feministas. A apreensão da lógica transformista que preside esse governo é fundamental para análise das lutas feministas, pois, se por um lado o Brasil presenciou a institucionalização de políticas sociais para as mulheres; por outro, muitos entraves ocorreram para a efetivação das mesmas, desde a falta de orçamento até a dificuldade da incorporação de uma perspectiva verdadeiramente feminista por parte do projeto de governo petista. A tese busca apreender a consciência militante feminista e a sua relação com a luta de classes no governo Lula, em uma perspectiva de totalidade, com o esforço de ir além da sua aparência fenomênica, mas, no seio das relações sociais de classe, raça e sexo inseridas na dinâmica dos projetos societários em disputa: o patriarcal-capitalista e o feminista-socialista. Realizamos uma pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Essa última foi desenvolvida por meio de entrevistas com 7 militantes orgânicas de cada um dos seguintes movimentos feministas: Articulação de Mulheres Brasileiras; Marcha Mundial de Mulheres e o Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas. Totalizamos, portanto, 21 entrevistas que articuladas à pesquisa documental de materiais produzidos por esses movimentos, bem como com a base teórica adquirida na pesquisa bibliográfica, obtivemos como principais conclusões: 1. O processo de formação da consciência militante feminista envolve como elementos indispensáveis às mulheres: (a) a apropriação de si e a ruptura com a naturalização do sexo; (b) o sair de casa; (c) a identificação na outra da sua condição de mulher; (d) a importância do grupo e da militância política em um movimento social; (e) a formação política associada às lutas concretas de reivindicação e de enfrentamento; 2. O feminismo contribui com a radicalização da democracia e com o tensionamento das relações de hierarquia presentes, inclusive, no interior de organizações de esquerda; 3. As políticas públicas para as mulheres no governo Lula, não corresponderam a uma perspectiva feminista, pois, não romperam com a responsabilização da mulher pela reprodução social antroponômica, tendo em vista o caráter familista das mesmas; 4. A autonomia política e financeira é o principal desafio para os movimentos feministas no Brasil.

Essa ciranda não é minha só, é de todas nós: um estudo sobre feminismo, autonomia e consciência coletiva

The notion of autonomy arises in feminism as theory and action for horizontal and building self-appointed women in the project of social transformation. As part of the feminist movement - political subject of women - the autonomy is established dynamically, back and forth from the socio-historical context that sign and thus the correlation of forces that is with the women's group . Thus, for this work it was necessary to feminism take on your current process, which set the transitional period of "onguização" of feminist organizations (1980 to 2000), which discusses the relative loss of autonomy before the alliance as State and dependence on development agencies, for the current period, which incorporates discourses and practices through autonomous groups and their militants. Therefore, this study is based on research of autonomous feminism of young women, characterized as another radical and political integration proposed for that period. The aim then was to analyze the organizational capacity of autonomous feminist collective in Natal/RN, from the knowledge of the structure and dynamics of a group and understanding the consubstantiality gender, 'race'/ethnicity, class for the process organization. And with the participation of the Coletivo Autônomo Feminista Leila Diniz. This was in organizational transition, ending his career as ONGs and leaving for autonomous militancy. In order to achieve the so-objectification proposal, literature review was performed of the categories, feminism, autonomy, patriarchy, feminist activist conscientiously and collective; documentary research relating to the Group; participant observations within their meetings; and a themed workshop with some militants Autonomous Collective, which was produced pictures and speeches. The materialization of these instruments provided research analysis on the elements that constitute the young feminists and contemporary autonomous organizations, in view of the multiple experiences and the diversity of women who configures the subject [the subject] while feminist collective total. As well as taking a feminist militancy conscience expressed by the group studied the necessary re-appropriation of each other in combating patriarchal femininity, the hierarchical naturalizations marking the sex of women and the recognition as sex class for feminist autonomous organization for women's liberation.

Auto-reflexividad, erografía y leitmotivs liminales en la producción narrativa de Mayra Santos-Febres (1995-2009)

La recherche, construction et révision de l’identité nationale ont très longtemps constitué les éléments propulseurs de la production littéraire et intellectuelle de Porto Rico. Pourtant vers le milieu des années 90, un nouveau consensus émerge entre les écrivains qui revendiquent massivement la fin de la littérature en tant que lieu d’où forger la conscience nationale et refuse le leadership intellectuel qui avait jusqu’alors définit le travail littéraire. Les auteurs qui commencent à se manifester à ce moment se désintéressent du nationalisme comme thème littéraire. Le militantisme politique et la volonté de confrontation, modes représentationnels caractéristiques de la génération antérieure, disparaissent pour laisser place à une écriture exploratoire, centrée sur ses propres procédés, et apparemment apolitique. Une telle perte d’ancrages nationaux et territoriaux est significative de la conscience exacerbée que possèdent ces écrivains de la complexité des dynamiques culturelles qui régissent le monde postmoderne et globalisé, ainsi que de la « valeur » et de la position « marginale » qu’on leur attribue dans l’écologie mass-médiatique culturelle actuelle. La production narrative de Mayra Santos-Febres est paradigmatique de ces changements. J’aborde dans son écriture une série de dispositifs métalittéraires, autoréflexifs, « érographiques », et historiographiques qui, bien qu’ils résistent à une catégorisation homogène, démontrent un même intérêt pour des phénomènes interstitiels. En me basant sur les concepts de liminalité, principalement depuis la perspective de Victor Turner et d’écriture auto-réflexive (Patricia Waugh, Linda Hutcheon), j’analyse le positionnement liminal qu’assume Santos-Febres dans la structure culturelle globalisée actuelle, et la façon dont sa prise de position, également liminale, c’est-à-dire, sa prise de parole et son engagement se traduisent par un rapprochement narcissique à l’exercice littéraire autant dans les formes qu’elle crée qu’au niveau sémantique, narratif et discursif. Le premier chapitre analyse les contes « Dilcia M. » et « Acto de Fe » (Pez de vidrio) comme témoignages de l’érosion du patriotisme et militantisme antérieur; « La escritora» (Pez de vidrio) qui marque pour l’auteure un passage vers une esthétique centrée sus ses propres procédés créatifs; et le roman Cualquier miércoles soy tuya qui dramatise le positionnement assumé par les écrivains dans la chaine culturelle globalisée actuelle. Le second chapitre aborde la configuration des corps, espaces urbains et de l’écriture dans El cuerpo correcto qui, à travers une exubérance sexuelle/textuelle, projette des variantes réactualisées de la traditionnelle dichotomie corps/écriture. Le troisième chapitre se penche sur la configuration du travesti dans Sirena Selena vestida de pena. J’y propose de voir le travestisme, le boléro et l’écriture comme un triple exercice métalittéraire. Le dernier chapitre aborde le procédé de re-signification littéraire des images sédimentées de subordination et d’infériorité de sujet « noir ». Nuestra Señora de la Noche se penche sur la re-signification de l’hyper-sexualisation et « exotisation » qui a cimenté la construction de « l’immoralité » de la femme noire. Fe en disfraz aborde le sadomasochisme comme espace de re-signification des schèmes de domination et soumission inscrits dans l’histoire esclavagiste de Porto Rico et du trauma qui origine, et subsiste, d’une telle hiérarchie.

Women, workplace militancy and political subjectivity in Britain, 1968-1985

This thesis examines the experiences and political subjectivity of women who engaged in workplace protest in Britain between 1968 and 1985. The study covers a period that has been identified with the ‘zenith’ of trade-union militancy in British labour history. The women’s liberation movement also emerged in this period, which produced a shift in public debates about gender roles and relations in the home and the workplace. Women’s trade union membership increased dramatically and trade unions increasingly committed themselves to supporting ‘women’s issues’. Industrial disputes involving working-class women have frequently been cited as evidence of women’s growing participation in the labour movement. However, the voices and experiences of female workers who engaged in workplace protest remain largely unexplored. This thesis addresses this space through an original analysis of the 1968 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford, Dagenham; the 1976 equal pay strike at Trico, Brentford; the 1972 Sexton shoe factory occupation in Fakenham, Norfolk; the 1981 Lee Jeans factory occupation in Greenock, Inverclyde and the 1984-1985 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford Dagenham. Drawing upon a combination of oral history and written sources, this study contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968-1985. In every dispute considered in this thesis, women’s behaviour was perceived by observers as novel, ‘historic’ or extraordinary. But the women did not think of themselves as extraordinary, and rather understood their behaviour as a legitimate and justified response to their everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism. The industrial disputes analysed in this thesis show that women’s workplace militancy was not simply a direct response to women’s heightened presence in trade unions. The women involved in these disputes were more likely to understand their experiences of workplace activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective value of their work. Whilst they did not adopt a feminist identity or associate their action with the WLM, they spoke about themselves and their motivations in a manner that emphasised feminist values of equality, autonomy and self-worth.

Feminist Disability Theory: Domestic Violence Against Women with a Disability

Women with a disability continue to experience social oppression and domestic violence as a consequence of gender and disability dimensions. Current explanations of domestic violence and disability inadequately explain several features that lead women who have a disability to experience violent situations. This article incorporates both disability and material feminist theory as an alternative explanation to the dominant approaches (psychological and sociological traditions) of conceptualising domestic violence. This paper is informed by a study which was concerned with examining the nature and perceptions of violence against women with a physical impairment. The emerging analytical framework integrating material feminist interpretations and disability theory provided a basis for exploring gender and disability dimensions. Insight was also provided by the women who identified as having a disability in the study and who explained domestic violence in terms of a gendered and disabling experience. The article argues that material feminist interpretations and disability theory, with their emphasis on gender relations, disablism and poverty, should be used as an alternative tool for exploring the nature and consequences of violence against women with a disability.

Critically evaluating rural women’s participation and empowerment : An interdisciplinary feminist framework for research and analysis

Community development is increasingly using participatory processes that aim to be inclusive and empowering. However, researchers have found that such processes can have contradictory effects. Australian research has highlighted the significant leadership of rural women in sustainable community and economic development and in the adoption of new communication technologies such as the Internet. A focus on gender in participatory development may therefore lead to more effective programs and policies. This chapter outlines an interdisciplinary feminist framework for critically evaluating the participation and empowerment of rural women. This framework was found effective in evaluating an Australian project that aimed to enhance rural women’s access to communication technologies and to empower its participants. Its multiple theoretical and methodological approaches are outlined. The framework advocates an analysis of diversity and difference and the macro and micro contexts. Some principles and strategies for rural women’s inclusion, participation, empowerment, and for participatory feminist evaluation are outlined.

From the account manager’s conscience to top-of-mind : account planning in Australia

What began as the “account manager’s conscience” has grown to be top-of-mind in Australian advertising today. Account planning is a hybrid discipline which uses research to bring the consumer voice to the campaign process during strategy generation, creative development and evaluation. In Australia, account planning is subjected to the “Vegemite Factor” where planners are spread too thinly across accounts and much of the market is dominated by freelance researchers and planners. This unique environment has shaped many different perceptions of account planning in Australia. These are compared with an international definition of account planning and the current research. While many basic tenants of the definition are shared by Australian advertising professionals, the difference appears to be in the ongoing nature, team approach and level of commitment. In Australia, account planners seem to be more facilitators of the strategic direction, than directors of it. Instead of exerting a sustained influence across the campaign, most energy appears to be expended at the start of campaign development, rather than extending through to its evaluation.

Duggaibah, or 'place of whiteness' : Australian feminist and race

Our society operates in such a way as to put whiteness at the center of everything, including individual consciousness--so much so that we seldom question the centrality of white- ness, and most people, on hearing 'race', hear 'black'. That is, whiteness is treated as the norm, against which all differences are measured. 1 Race shapes white women's lives. In the same way that both men's and women's lives are shaped by their gender, and that both heterosexual and lesbian women's experiences in the world are marked by their sexuality, white people and people of color live racially structured lives. In other words, any system of differentiation shapes those on whom it bestows privi- lege as well as those it oppresses. White people are 'raced' just as men are 'gendered'. 2

Troubling Empowerment : A feminist critique of a rural women and communication technology project

Participatory research methodologies and interactive communication technologies (ICTs) are increasingly seen as offering ways of enhancing women’s empowerment and rural community development. However, some researchers suggest the need for caution about such claims. This book details findings from an evaluation of a feminist action research project that explored the impacts of ICTs for rural women in Queensland, Australia, in terms of personal, business and community development. Using praxis and poststructuralist feminist theories and methodologies, this innovative study presents a rigorous analysis and critique of women's empowerment and participation. This study demonstrates the value of adopting a critical yet pragmatic approach that takes diversity and difference, power-knowledge relations, and the contradictory effects of participation into account. This is argued to enable the development of more effective strategies for women’s empowerment, participation and inclusion. This book should be of particular interest to researchers, postgraduate students, and others working in the fields of communication, gender, and rural development, and feminist evaluation and ethnography.